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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Collective_mental_state-0.md
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Collective mental state is generally a literary or legal term, mostly used in sociology and philosophy (in addition to its singular use in psychiatry and psychology), to refer to the condition of someone's state and physical and mental being when in the presence of others. An assessment of a collective mental state includes a description of thought processes, memory, emotions, mood, cognitive state, and energy levels, including the meta overlay of interactions between individuals.
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== Overview ==
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A collective mental state is both distinct from and contains other mental states of self-aware individuals. The collective mental state forms the basis for individual reflection, juxtaposed with the collective state, that leads to realizations about emotions, states of being, and individuality. The collective mental state is made of conscious minds and may therefore be a more complex version of something like a stampede, which is itself caused by sentinel animals through imitation. Collective mental states may be simulated through the use of a performer and audience; stand-up comedy desires to have a group of people collectively, simultaneously feel one thing: laughter.
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== Background ==
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When a mental state is shared by a large proportion of the members of a group or society, it can be called a collective mental state. Gustave Le Bon proposed that mental states are passed by contagion, while Sigmund Freud wrote of war fever in his work Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1922), a perfect example of the collective mental state. Franz Borkenau wrote of collective madness, while many writers have discussed collective depression. Psychosis can be passed from one individual to another as induced psychosis or folie à deux, but rarely involves more than two people. When the mental state involves a large population, it is more appropriate to use plain English rather than psychiatric or psychological terminology.
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=== Instances of collective mental states ===
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Church (congregation) with collective states like prayer, worship, hymns, speaking in tongues, etc.
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Sports with collective audience states, like booing; bullfighting, WWE, football, American football (including the collective home viewership of these things)
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Concerts where moshing and collective singing occurs
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Riot
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Carnivalesque
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Racism
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Horror film audience
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A positive example of a collective mental state would be at a rave or music festival. People come together through music and may feel content or relaxed, even though they may be surrounded by strangers in a loud, stimulating environment. On the other hand, in a dangerous situation, people can experience high levels of fear and anxiety if they are in a group of people that is panicking. An example of this is when a large group try to get out of a building and the individuals at the front are crushed against the doors by the weight of the people behind them.
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A type of angry collective state is often referred to as mob mentality. The members of the group feed off of each other's anger and the collective mental state can become very aggressive, as part of the experience is a reduced sense of responsibility for each individual.
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== See also ==
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== References ==
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Borkenau, Franz, 1981. End and Beginning, On the Generations of Cultures and the Origins of the West. (ed. and intro. by Richard Lowenthal). New York, Columbia University Press.
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Freud, Sigmund, 1955. Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Group Psychology and Other Works. In Standard Edition, XVIII (1920–1922). London: Hogarth.
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Le Bon, Gustave, 1960. (First Published 1895). The Mind of the Crowd. New York: Viking.
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Puri, B.K., Laking, P.J. and Teasaden, I.H., 1996. Textbook of Psychiatry. Edinburgh, London, New York, Philadelphia, Sydney, St Louis, Toronto: Churchill Livingstone.
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Scarfuto, Christine M., 2009. The Religious Experience of the Rave
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Criminology-0.md
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Criminology (from Latin crimen, 'accusation', and Ancient Greek -λογία, -logia, from λόγος logos, 'word, reason') is the interdisciplinary study of crime and deviant behaviour. Criminology is a multidisciplinary field in both the behavioural and social sciences, which draws primarily upon the research of sociologists, political scientists, economists, legal sociologists, psychologists, philosophers, psychiatrists, social workers, biologists, social anthropologists, scholars of law and jurisprudence, as well as the processes that define administration of justice and the criminal justice system.
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The interests of criminologists include the study of the nature of crime and criminals, origins of criminal law, etiology of crime, social reaction to crime, and the functioning of law enforcement agencies and the penal institutions. It can be broadly said that criminology directs its inquiries along three lines: first, it investigates the nature of criminal law and its administration and conditions under which it develops; second, it analyzes the causation of crime and the personality of criminals; and third, it studies the control of crime and the rehabilitation of offenders. Thus, criminology encompasses the activities of legislative bodies, law-enforcement agencies, judicial institutions, correctional institutions, and educational, private, and public social agencies.
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== History of academic criminology ==
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Modern academic criminology has direct roots in the 19th-century Italian School of "criminal anthropology", which, according to the historian Mary Gibson, "caused a radical refocusing of criminological discussion throughout Europe and the United States from law to the criminal. While this 'Italian School' was in turn attacked and partially supplanted in countries such as France by 'sociological' theories of delinquency, they retained the new focus on the criminal." According to Gibson, the term criminology was most likely coined in 1885 by Italian law professor Raffaele Garofalo as Criminologia. In the late 19th century, French anthropologist Paul Topinard used the analogous French term Criminologie.
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=== History in the United States ===
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In the United States, criminology grew substantially as a discipline in the first quarter of the twentieth century. From 1900 to 2000 this field of research underwent three significant phases in the United States: (1) Golden Age of Research (1900–1930) which has been described as a multiple-factor approach, (2) Golden Age of Theory (1930–1960) which endeavored to show the limits of systematically connecting criminological research to theory, and (3) a 1960–2000 period, which was seen as a significant turning point for criminology. During the post-1960s expansion of higher education, criminology in the United States began to institutionalize outside of sociology, particularly through the rapid development of standalone criminal justice programs. This shift was fueled in part by federal initiatives such as the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) and the Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP), which provided funding for academic training in policing and corrections during a period of social unrest and concern over crime. These developments strained the long-standing association between sociology and criminology, as many sociologists viewed the new practice-oriented criminal justice programs as academically weaker or less theoretically grounded. In response, some educators split from the American Society of Criminology (ASC) in 1963 to form the International Association of Police Professors (which in 1970 became the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences (ACJS)), arguing that ASC remained too narrowly sociological in focus.
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By the 1990s, the field had moved toward reconciliation, with many programs embracing a dual identity as Criminology/Criminal Justice. Despite early concerns about academic rigor, criminal justice majors became highly popular and financially attractive to universities, sometimes referred to as academic "cash cows." Graduate education also expanded: by the end of the 1990s, there were more than 100 master's-level programs and at least 25 Ph.D. programs in criminology and criminal justice across the country. This institutionalization continued into the 2000s, culminating in the launch of Criminology & Public Policy in 2001, a journal founded by the ASC to bridge theoretical and applied research, with its first editor, Todd Clear, a past president of ACJS.
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Criminology is now widely recognized as an interdisciplinary field that integrates insights from sociology, psychology, political science, law, and public health. Although some scholars argue that criminology should remain embedded within sociology to preserve its theoretical foundations, others see disciplinary independence as beneficial for policy relevance and innovation. As of 2020, nearly 50 criminology Ph.D. programs existed in the U.S. and Canada, and the National Research Council has identified criminology as an "emerging discipline" since 2006.
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== Early schools of thought ==
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There were three main schools of thought in early criminological theory, spanning the period from the mid-18th century to the mid-twentieth century: Classical, Positivist, and Chicago. These schools of thought were superseded by several contemporary paradigms of criminology, such as the sub-culture, control, strain, labelling, critical criminology, cultural criminology, postmodern criminology, feminist criminology, Queer criminology, and others discussed below.
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=== Origins and classical school ===
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The Classical school arose in the mid-18th century and reflects ideas from utilitarian philosophy. Cesare Beccaria, author of On Crimes and Punishments (1763–64), Jeremy Bentham (inventor of the panopticon), and other early criminological philosophers proposed ideas including:
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Punishment should be used as a way to deter people from further criminal action. This is premised on the belief that individuals want to maximize pleasure and minimize pain.
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Punishment should be "public, prompt, necessary, the minimum possible [i.e., no more than necessary for effective deterrence] under the given circumstances, and established by law."
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Actual harms, not intent, should determine the severity of punishment.
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This school developed during a major reform in penology when society began designing prisons for the sake of extreme punishment. This period also saw many legal reforms, the French Revolution, and the development of the legal system in the United States.
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=== Positivist ===
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The Positivist school argues that criminal behavior stems from internal and external factors beyond the individual's control. Its key method of thought is that criminals are born as criminals and not made into them; this school of thought also supports theory of nature in the debate between nature versus nurture. They also argue that criminal behavior is innate and within a person. Philosophers in this school applied the scientific method to the study of human behavior. Positivism comprises three segments: biological, psychological and social positivism.
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Psychological positivism is the view that criminal acts, or the people who commit them, are driven by internal factors.
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Social positivism, often referred to as Sociological Positivism, posits that criminals are produced by society. This school claims that low-income levels, high poverty/unemployment rates, and poor educational systems create and motivate criminals.
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==== Criminal personality ====
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The notion of a criminal personality is derived from the school of thought known as psychological positivism. It essentially means that parts of an individual's personality exhibit traits commonly associated with criminals, such as neuroticism, antisocial tendencies, aggressive behavior, and other factors. There is evidence of correlation, but not causation, between these personality traits and criminal actions.
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==== Italian ====
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Cesare Lombroso (1835–1909), an Italian sociologist working in the late 19th century, is often called "the father of criminology". He was one of the key contributors to biological positivism and founded the Italian school of criminology. Lombroso took a scientific approach, insisting on empirical evidence for studying crime. He suggested physiological traits such as the measurements of cheekbones or hairline, or a cleft palate could indicate "atavistic" criminal tendencies. This approach, whose influence came via the theory of phrenology and by Charles Darwin's theory of evolution, has been superseded. Enrico Ferri, a student of Lombroso, believed social as well as biological factors played a role, and believed criminals should not be held responsible when factors causing their criminality were beyond their control. Criminologists have since rejected Lombroso's biological theories since control groups were not used in his studies.
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==== Sociological positivist ====
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Sociological positivism suggests societal factors such as poverty, membership of subcultures, or low levels of education can predispose people to crime. Adolphe Quetelet used data and statistical analysis to study the relationship between crime and sociological factors. He found age, gender, poverty, education, and alcohol consumption were important factors in crime. Lance Lochner performed three different research experiments, each one supporting that education reduces crime. Rawson W. Rawson used crime statistics to suggest a link between population density and crime rates, with crowded cities producing more crime. Joseph Fletcher and John Glyde read papers to the Statistical Society of London on their studies of crime and its distribution. Henry Mayhew used empirical methods and an ethnographic approach to address social questions and poverty, and gave his studies in London Labour and the London Poor. Émile Durkheim viewed crime as an inevitable aspect of a society with uneven distribution of wealth and other differences among people.
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==== Differential association (sub-cultural) ====
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Differential association (sub-cultural) posits that people learn crime through association. This theory was advocated by Edwin Sutherland, who focused on how "a person becomes delinquent because of an excess of definitions favorable to violation of law over definitions unfavorable to violation of law." Associating with people who may condone criminal conduct, or justify crime under specific circumstances, makes one more likely to take that view, under his theory. Interacting with this type of "antisocial" peer is a major cause of delinquency. Reinforcing criminal behavior makes it chronic. Where there are criminal subcultures, many individuals learn crime, and crime rates swell in those areas.
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=== Chicago ===
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The Chicago school arose in the early twentieth century, through the work of Robert E. Park, Ernest Burgess, and other urban sociologists at the University of Chicago. In the 1920s, Park and Burgess identified five concentric zones that often emerge as cities grow, including the "zone of transition", which was considered the most volatile and prone to disorder. In the 1940s, Henry McKay and Clifford R. Shaw focused on juvenile delinquents, finding that they were concentrated in the zone of transition. The Chicago School was a school of thought that developed and attributed human behavior to social structures. This thought can be associated with, or used in, criminology because it essentially takes the stance of defending criminals and their behavior. The defense and argument rest on the idea that these people and their actions are not their fault but the result of societal conditions (e.g., unemployment, poverty), and that they are, in fact, behaving properly.
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Chicago school sociologists adopted a social ecology approach to studying cities. They postulated that urban neighborhoods with high levels of poverty often experience a breakdown in the social structure and institutions, such as family and schools. This results in social disorganization, which reduces these institutions' ability to control behavior and creates an environment ripe for deviant behavior.
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Other researchers suggested an added social-psychological link. Edwin Sutherland suggested that people learn criminal behavior from older, more experienced criminals with whom they may associate.
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Theoretical perspectives used in criminology include psychoanalysis, functionalism, interactionism, Marxism, econometrics, systems theory, postmodernism, behavioural genetics, personality psychology, evolutionary psychology, etc.
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== Other schools of thought ==
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=== Social structure theories ===
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This theory is applied to a variety of approaches within the bases of criminology, in particular, and in sociology more generally as a conflict theory or structural conflict perspective in sociology and sociology of crime. This perspective is broad enough to embrace a diversity of positions.
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==== Disorganization ====
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Social disorganization theory is based on the work of Henry McKay and Clifford R. Shaw of the Chicago School. Social disorganization theory postulates that neighborhoods plagued with poverty and economic deprivation tend to experience high rates of population turnover. This theory suggests that crime and deviance are valued within groups in society, 'subcultures' or 'gangs'. These groups have different values from the social norm. These neighborhoods also tend to have high population heterogeneity. With high turnover, informal social structure often fails to develop, which in turn makes it difficult to maintain social order in a community.
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==== Social ecology ====
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Since the 1950s, social ecology studies have built on the social disorganization theories. Many studies have found that crime rates are associated with poverty, disorder, high numbers of abandoned buildings, and other signs of community deterioration. As working and middle-class people leave deteriorating neighborhoods, the most disadvantaged portions of the population may remain. William Julius Wilson suggested a poverty "concentration effect", which may cause neighborhoods to be isolated from the mainstream of society and become prone to violence.
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==== Strain ====
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Strain theory, also known as Mertonian Anomie, advanced by American sociologist Robert Merton, suggests that mainstream culture, especially in the United States, is saturated with dreams of opportunity, freedom, and prosperity—as Merton put it, the American Dream. Most people buy into this dream, and it becomes a powerful cultural and psychological motivator. Merton also used the term anomie, but it meant something slightly different for him than it did for Durkheim. Merton saw the term as meaning a dichotomy between what society expected of its citizens and what those citizens could actually achieve. Therefore, if the social structure of opportunities is unequal and prevents the majority from realizing the dream, some of those dejected will turn to illegitimate means (crime) to realize it. Others will retreat or drop out into deviant subcultures (such as gang members, or what he calls "hobos"). Robert Agnew developed this theory further to include types of strain which were not derived from financial constraints. This is known as general strain theory.
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==== Subcultural ====
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Following the Chicago school and strain theory, and also drawing on Edwin Sutherland's idea of differential association, sub-cultural theorists focused on small cultural groups fragmenting away from the mainstream to form their own values and meanings about life.
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Albert K. Cohen tied anomie theory with Sigmund Freud's reaction formation idea, suggesting that delinquency among lower-class youths is a reaction against the social norms of the middle class. Some youth, especially from poorer areas where opportunities are scarce, might adopt social norms specific to those places that may include "toughness" and disrespect for authority. Criminal acts may result when youths conform to norms of the deviant subculture.
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Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin suggested that delinquency can result from a differential opportunity for lower-class youth. Such youths may be tempted to take up criminal activities, choosing an illegitimate path that provides them more lucrative economic benefits than conventional, over legal options such as minimum wage-paying jobs available to them.
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Delinquency tends to occur among lower-working-class males who lack resources and live in impoverished areas, as extensively noted by Albert Cohen (Cohen, 1965). Bias has been known to occur among law enforcement agencies, where officers tend to place a bias on minority groups, without knowing for sure if they had committed a crime or not.
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British sub-cultural theorists focused more heavily on the issue of class, where some criminal activities were seen as "imaginary solutions" to the problem of belonging to a subordinate class. A further study by the Chicago school examined gangs and the influence of interactions among gang leaders, observed by adults.
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Sociologists such as Raymond D. Gastil have explored the impact of a Southern culture of honor on violent crime rates.
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==== Control ====
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Another approach is made by the social bond or social control theory. Instead of looking for factors that make people become criminals, these theories try to explain why people do not become criminals. Travis Hirschi identified four main characteristics: "attachment to others", "belief in moral validity of rules", "commitment to achievement", and "involvement in conventional activities". The more a person features those characteristics, the less likely they are to become deviant (or criminal). On the other hand, if these factors are not present, a person is more likely to become a criminal. Hirschi expanded on this theory by proposing that a person with low self-control is more likely to become a criminal. Unlike most criminology theories, these do not look at why people commit crimes but rather at why they do not.
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A simple example: Someone wants a big yacht but does not have the means to buy one. If the person cannot exercise self-control, they might try to obtain the yacht (or the means to do so) illegally. In contrast, someone with high self-control will (more likely) wait, deny themselves what they want, or seek an intelligent intermediate solution, such as joining a yacht club to use a yacht through the group's consolidated resources without violating social norms.
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Social bonds, through peers, parents, and others can have a countering effect on one's low self-control. For families of low socio-economic status, a factor that distinguishes families with delinquent children, from those who are not delinquent, is the control exerted by parents or chaperonage. In addition, theorists such as David Matza and Gresham Sykes argued that criminals can temporarily neutralize internal moral and social-behavioral constraints through techniques of neutralization.
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==== Psychoanalytic ====
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Psychoanalysis is a psychological theory (and therapy) which regards the unconscious mind, repressed memories, and trauma, as the key drivers of behavior, especially deviant behavior. Sigmund Freud discussed how the unconscious desire for pain relates to psychoanalysis in his essay, Beyond the Pleasure Principle. Freud suggested that unconscious impulses such as 'repetition compulsion' and a 'death drive' can dominate a person's creativity, leading to self-destructive behavior. Phillida Rosnick, in the article Mental Pain and Social Trauma, posits a difference in the thoughts of individuals suffering traumatic unconscious pain, which corresponds to them having thoughts and feelings that are not reflections of their true selves. There is enough correlation between this altered state of mind and criminality to suggest causation. Sander Gilman, in the article Freud and the Making of Psychoanalysis, looks for evidence in the physical mechanisms of the human brain and the nervous system and suggests there is a direct link between an unconscious desire for pain or punishment and the impulse to commit crime or deviant acts.
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=== Symbolic interactionism ===
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Symbolic interactionism draws on the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl and George Herbert Mead, as well as subcultural theory and conflict theory. This school of thought focused on the relationship between state, media, and conservative-ruling elite and other less powerful groups. The powerful groups could become the "significant other" in the less powerful groups' processes of generating meaning. The former could, to some extent, impose their meanings on the latter; therefore, they were able to "label" minor delinquent youngsters as criminals. These youngsters would often take the label on board, be more readily inclined to crime, and become actors in the "self-fulfilling prophecy" of powerful groups. Later developments in this set of theories were by Howard Becker and Edwin Lemert, in the mid-20th century. Stanley Cohen developed the concept of "moral panic" describing the societal reaction to spectacular, alarming social phenomena (e.g. post-World War 2 youth cultures like the Mods and Rockers in the UK in 1964, AIDS epidemic and football hooliganism).
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=== Labeling theory ===
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Labeling theory refers to an individual who is labeled by others in a particular way. The theory was studied in great detail by Becker. It was originally derived from sociology, but is regularly used in criminological studies. When someone is labeled a criminal, they may accept or reject the label and continue to commit crimes. Even those who initially reject the label can eventually accept it as it becomes better known, particularly among their peers. This stigma can become even more profound when the labels are about deviancy, and it is thought that this stigmatization can lead to deviancy amplification. Malcolm Klein conducted a study that showed labeling theory affected some youth offenders but not others.
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=== Traitor theory ===
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At the other side of the spectrum, criminologist Lonnie Athens developed a theory about how a process of brutalization by parents or peers that usually occurs in childhood results in violent crimes in adulthood. Richard Rhodes' Why They Kill describes Athens' observations about domestic and societal violence in the criminals' backgrounds. Both Athens and Rhodes reject the genetic inheritance theories.
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=== Rational choice theory ===
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Rational choice theory is based on the utilitarian, classical school philosophies of Cesare Beccaria, which were popularized by Jeremy Bentham. They argued that punishment, if certain, swift, and proportionate to the crime, was a crime deterrent, with the risks outweighing any possible benefits to the offender. In Dei delitti e delle pene (On Crimes and Punishments, 1763–1764), Beccaria advocated a rational penology. Beccaria conceived of punishment as the necessary application of the law for a crime; thus, the judge was to confirm their sentence to the law. Beccaria also distinguished between crime and sin, and advocated against the death penalty, as well as torture and inhumane treatments, as he did not consider them as rational deterrents.
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This philosophy was replaced by the positivist and Chicago schools and was not revived until the 1970s with the writings of James Q. Wilson, Gary Becker's 1965 article Crime and Punishment and George Stigler's 1970 article The Optimum Enforcement of Laws. Rational choice theory argues that criminals, like other people, weigh costs or risks and benefits when deciding whether to commit crime and think in economic terms. They will also try to minimize risks of crime by considering the time, place, and other situational factors.
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Becker, for example, acknowledged that many people operate under high moral and ethical constraints but argued that criminals rationally see that the benefits of their crime outweigh the costs, such as the probability of apprehension and conviction, the severity of punishment, and their current set of opportunities. From the public policy perspective, since the cost of increasing the fine is marginal to that of increasing surveillance, one can conclude that the best policy is to maximize the fine and minimize surveillance.
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With this perspective, crime prevention or reduction measures can be devised to increase the effort required to commit the crime, such as target hardening. Rational choice theories also suggest that increasing risk and likelihood of being caught, through added surveillance, law enforcement presence, added street lighting, and other measures, are effective in reducing crime.
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One of the main differences between this theory and Bentham's rational choice theory, which had been abandoned in criminology, is that if Bentham considered it possible to annihilate crime (through the panopticon), Becker's theory acknowledged that a society could not eradicate crime beneath a certain level. For example, if 25% of a supermarket's products were stolen, it would be very easy to reduce this rate to 15%, quite easy to reduce it until 5%, difficult to reduce it under 3% and nearly impossible to reduce it to zero (a feat which the measures required would cost the supermarket so much that it would outweigh the benefits). This reveals that the goals of utilitarianism and classical liberalism have to be tempered and reduced to more modest proposals to be practically applicable.
|
||||
Such rational choice theories, linked to neoliberalism, have been at the basics of crime prevention through environmental design and underpin the Market Reduction Approach to theft by Mike Sutton, which is a systematic toolkit for those seeking to focus attention on "crime facilitators" by tackling the markets for stolen goods that motivate for thieves to supply them by theft.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Routine activity theory ===
|
||||
|
||||
Routine activity theory, developed by Marcus Felson and Lawrence Cohen, draws on control theories and explains crime in terms of opportunities for crime that arise in everyday life. A crime opportunity requires that elements converge in time and place, including a motivated offender, a suitable target or victim, and a lack of a capable guardian. A guardian at a place, such as a street, could include security guards or even ordinary pedestrians who would witness the criminal act and possibly intervene or report it to law enforcement. Routine activity theory was expanded by John Eck, who added a fourth element of "place manager", such as rental property managers who can take nuisance abatement measures.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Biosocial theory ===
|
||||
Biosocial criminology is an interdisciplinary field that seeks to explain crime and antisocial behavior by examining biological and environmental factors. While sociological theories have dominated contemporary criminology, biosocial criminology also recognizes the potential contributions of fields such as behavioral genetics, personality psychology, and evolutionary psychology. Various theoretical frameworks such as evolutionary neuroandrogenic theory have sought to explain trends in criminality through the lens of evolutionary biology. Specifically, they seek to explain why criminality is so much higher in men than in women and why young men are most likely to exhibit criminal behavior.
|
||||
Aggressive behavior has been associated with abnormalities in three principal regulatory systems in the body: serotonin systems, catecholamine systems, and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical axis. Abnormalities in these systems are also known to be induced by stress, either severe, acute stress or chronic low-grade stress.
|
||||
Biosocial approaches remain very controversial within the scientific field.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Marxist ===
|
||||
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|
||||
|
||||
In 1968, young British sociologists formed the National Deviance Conference (NDC) group. The group, restricted to academics, consisted of 300 members. Ian Taylor, Paul Walton, and Jock Young – members of the NDC – rejected previous explanations of crime and deviance. Thus, they decided to pursue a new Marxist criminological approach. In The New Criminology, they argued against the biological "positivism" perspective represented by Lombroso, Hans Eysenck and Gordon Trasler.
|
||||
According to the Marxist perspective on crime, "defiance is normal – the sense that men are now consciously involved ... in assuring their human diversity." Thus, Marxist criminologists argued for a society in which the facts of human diversity, whether social or personal, would not be criminalized. They further attributed the processes of crime creation not to genetic or psychological facts, but rather to the material basis of a given society.
|
||||
State crime is a distinct category of crimes studied by Marxist criminology, which considers these crimes among the most costly to society in terms of overall harm/injury. In a Marxist framework, genocides, environmental degradation, and war are not crimes that occur out of contempt for one's fellow man, but are crimes of power. They continue systems of control and hegemony which allow state crime and state-corporate crime, along with state-corporate non-profit criminals, to continue governing people.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Convict ===
|
||||
Convict criminology is a school of thought in the realm of criminology. Convict criminologists have been directly affected by the criminal justice system, oftentimes having spent years inside the prison system. Researchers in the field of convict criminology, such as John Irwin and Stephan Richards, argue that traditional criminology can be better understood by those who lived within prison walls. Martin Leyva argues that "prisonization" oftentimes begins before prison, in the home, community, and schools.
|
||||
According to Rod Earle, Convict Criminology began in the United States following the major expansion of prisons in the 1970s, and the U.S. remains the primary focus for those who study convict criminology.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Queer ===
|
||||
Queer criminology is a field of study that focuses on LGBT individuals and their interactions with the criminal justice system. The goals of this field of study are as follows:
|
||||
|
||||
To better understand the history of LGBT individuals and the laws put against the community
|
||||
Why LGBT citizens are incarcerated and if or why they are arrested at higher rates than heterosexual and cisgender individuals
|
||||
How queer activists have fought against oppressive laws that criminalized LGBT individuals
|
||||
To conduct research and use it as a form of activism through education
|
||||
Legitimacy of queer criminology:
|
||||
The value of pursuing criminology from a queer theorist perspective is contested; some believe that it is not worth researching and not relevant to the field as a whole, and as a result, it is a subject that lacks a wide range of research available. On the other hand, it could be argued that this subject is highly valuable in highlighting how LGBT individuals are affected by the criminal justice system. This research also has the opportunity to "queer" the curriculum of criminology in educational institutions by shifting the focus from controlling and monitoring LGBT communities to liberating and protecting them.
|
||||
As more and more people identify as something other than heterosexual, queer criminology continues to grow in relevance. At the same time, in jurisdictions such as Russia, Uganda, and Ghana, governments have become even more punitive through laws that expand the criminalization of LGBTQ+ conduct, relationships, and organizing. 'Digiqueer criminology' has emerged as a sub-discipline of queer criminology and aims to deepen understanding of the relationship between digital technology, LGBTQ+ identity, and justice.
|
||||
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|
||||
|
||||
=== Cultural ===
|
||||
Cultural criminology views crime and its control within the context of culture. Ferrell believes criminologists can examine the actions of criminals, control agents, media producers, and others to construct the meaning of crime. He discusses these actions as a means to show the dominant role of culture. Kane adds that cultural criminology has three tropes: village, city street, and media, in which males can be geographically influenced by society's views on what is broadcast and accepted as right or wrong. The village is where one engages in available social activities. Linking an individual's history to a location can help determine social dynamics. The city street involves positioning oneself in the cultural area. This is full of those affected by poverty, poor health, and crime, and large buildings that impact the city but not the neighborhoods. Mass media gives an all-around account of the environment and the possible other subcultures that could exist beyond a specific geographical area.
|
||||
It was later that Naegler and Salman introduced feminist theory to cultural criminology and discussed masculinity and femininity, sexual attraction and sexuality, and intersectional themes. Naegler and Salman believed that Ferrell's mold was limited and that they could add to the understanding of cultural criminology by studying women and those who do not fit Ferrell's mold. Hayward would later add that not only feminist theory, but green theory as well, played a role in the cultural criminology theory through the lens of adrenaline, the soft city, the transgressive subject, and the attentive gaze. The adrenaline lens deals with rational choice and what causes a person to have their own terms of availability, opportunity, and low levels of social control. The soft city lens deals with reality outside of the city and the imaginary sense of reality: the world where transgression occurs, where rigidity is slanted, and where rules are bent. The transgressive subject refers to a person who is attracted to rule-breaking and is attempting to be themselves in a world where everyone is against them. The attentive gaze is when someone, mainly an ethnographer, is immersed into the culture and interested in lifestyle(s) and the symbolic, aesthetic, and visual aspects. When examined, they are left with the knowledge that they are not all the same, but they come to a settlement to live together in the same space. Through it all, the sociological perspective on cultural criminology theory attempts to understand how the environment an individual is in determines their criminal behavior.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Relative deprivation ===
|
||||
Relative deprivation involves the process where an individual measures their own well-being and materialistic worth against that of other people and perceives that they are worse off in comparison. When humans fail to obtain what they believe they are owed, they can experience anger or jealousy over the notion that they have been wrongly disadvantaged.
|
||||
Relative deprivation was originally used in sociology by Samuel A. Stouffer, a pioneer of the theory. Stouffer revealed that soldiers fighting in World War II measured their personal success by the experience in their units rather than by the standards set by the military. Relative deprivation can be made up of societal, political, economic, or personal factors that create a sense of injustice. It is not based on absolute poverty, a condition where one cannot meet a necessary level to maintain basic living standards. Rather, relative deprivation holds that even if a person is financially stable, they can still feel relatively deprived. The perception of relative deprivation can lead to criminal behavior and/or morally problematic decisions. Relative deprivation theory has increasingly been used to partially explain crime as rising living standards can result in rising crime levels. In criminology, the theory of relative deprivation explains that people who feel jealous and discontented with others might turn to crime to acquire things they cannot afford.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Rural ===
|
||||
|
||||
Rural criminology is the study of crime trends outside of metropolitan and suburban areas. Rural criminologists have used social disorganization and routine activity theories. The FBI Uniform Crime Report shows that rural communities have significantly different crime trends than metropolitan and suburban areas. The crime in rural communities consists predominantly of narcotic-related crimes such as the production, use, and trafficking of narcotics. Social disorganization theory is used to examine the trends involving narcotics. Social disorganization leads to narcotic use in rural areas because of low educational opportunities and high unemployment rates. Routine activity theory is used to examine all low-level street crimes, such as theft. Much of the crime in rural areas is explained through routine activity theory because there is often a lack of capable guardians in rural areas.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Public ===
|
||||
Public criminology is a strand within criminology closely tied to ideas associated with "public sociology", focused on disseminating criminological insights to a broader audience than academia. Advocates of public criminology argue that criminologists should be "conducting and disseminating research on crime, law, and deviance in dialogue with affected communities." Its goal is for academics and researchers in criminology to provide their research to the public to inform public decisions and policymaking. This allows criminologists to avoid the constraints of traditional criminological research. In doing so, public criminology takes on many forms, including media and policy advising as well as activism, civic-oriented education, community outreach, expert testimony, and knowledge co-production.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Ultra-realism ===
|
||||
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|
||||
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|
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Ultra-realism is a 21st-century theoretical school and research programme that straddles criminology and zemiology. Ultra-realists revisit the fundamental question that underpins both disciplines: why, rather than seeking solidarity and cooperation, do specific individuals, groups, or institutions choose to risk harming others in pursuit of their own interests? Early proponents of the ultra-realist perspective are Steve Hall and Simon Winlow. The original ultra-realist concepts of the pseudo-pacification process, special liberty, and objectless anxiety first emerged from the mid-1990s onwards in a series of articles and books. The ultra-realist framework began to take a clearly defined shape in three later works.
|
||||
Ultra-realist researchers operate in research fields such as deviant leisure and consumer culture; crime, harm and place; crime, harm, work and employment; Covid, lockdown and social harm; riots and far-right politics; violence and masculinity; crime, harm and glocal markets; policing and corruption; homicide and serial murder; crime, harm and mass media; crime, corruption and compliance; history and violence; crime, corruption and sport; hate crime; technology, harm and crime; the crime decline; child abuse; military studies; subjectivity and investment fraud; crime, harm and drugs; the criminology of borders.
|
||||
|
||||
== Types and definitions of crime ==
|
||||
Both the positivist and classical schools take a consensus view of crime: that a crime is an act that violates society's basic values and beliefs. Those values and beliefs are manifested as laws that society agrees upon. However, there are two types of laws:
|
||||
|
||||
Natural laws are rooted in core values shared by many cultures. Natural laws protect against harm to persons (e.g., murder, rape, assault) or property (theft, larceny, robbery), and form the basis of common law systems.
|
||||
Statutes are enacted by legislatures and reflect current cultural mores, albeit that some laws may be controversial, e.g., laws that prohibit cannabis use and gambling. Marxist criminology, conflict criminology, and critical criminology claim that most relationships between state and citizens are non-consensual and, as such, criminal law is not necessarily representative of public beliefs and wishes: it is exercised in the interests of the ruling or dominant class. The more right-wing criminologies tend to posit that there is a consensual social contract between state and citizen.
|
||||
There have been moves in contemporary criminological theory to move away from liberal pluralism, culturalism, and postmodernism by introducing the universal term "harm" into the criminological debate as a replacement for the legal term "crime".
|
||||
|
||||
== Subtopics ==
|
||||
Areas of study in criminology include:
|
||||
|
||||
Comparative criminology, which is the study of the social phenomenon of crime across cultures, to identify differences and similarities in crime patterns.
|
||||
Crime prevention
|
||||
Crime statistics
|
||||
Criminal behavior
|
||||
Criminal careers and desistance
|
||||
Domestic violence
|
||||
Deviant behavior
|
||||
Evaluation of criminal justice agencies
|
||||
Fear of crime
|
||||
The International Crime Victims Survey
|
||||
Juvenile delinquency
|
||||
Penology
|
||||
Police science
|
||||
Sociology of law
|
||||
Victimology
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
|
||||
Anthropological criminology
|
||||
Crime science
|
||||
Forensic psychology
|
||||
Forensic science
|
||||
List of crime-related publications
|
||||
List of criminologists
|
||||
Social cohesion
|
||||
The Mask of Sanity
|
||||
Taboo
|
||||
Public criminology
|
||||
Qualitative research in criminology
|
||||
Quantitative methods in criminology
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
=== Notes ===
|
||||
|
||||
=== Bibliography ===
|
||||
Agnew, Robert (2005). Why Do Criminals Offend? A General Theory of Crime and Delinquency. New York: Oxford University Press.
|
||||
Barak, Gregg (ed.). (1998). Integrative Criminology (International Library of Criminology, Criminal Justice & Penology.). Aldershot: Ashgate/Dartmouth. ISBN 1-84014-008-9.
|
||||
Beccaria, Cesare, Dei delitti e delle pene (1763–1764).
|
||||
Blatier, Catherine (1998), "The Specialized Jurisdiction: A Better Chance for Minors". International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family. pp. 115–127.
|
||||
Bouchard, Jean-Pierre, "Can criminology be considered as a discipline in its own right?" L'Évolution Psychiatrique 78 (2013) 343–349.
|
||||
Briar, S., & Piliavin, I. (1966). Delinquency, Situational Inducements, and Commitment to Conformity. Social Problems, 13 (3).
|
||||
Clear, T. R. (2009). Imprisoning Communities: How Mass Incarceration Makes Disadvantaged Neighborhoods Worse. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
|
||||
Cohen, A. K. (1965). "The Sociology of the Deviant Act: Anomie Theory and Beyond". American Sociological Review, 30.
|
||||
Horning, A. et al. (2020). "Risky Business: Harlem Pimps' Work Decisions and Economic Returns", Deviant Behavior, 21(2): 160–185.
|
||||
Jaishankar, K., & Ronel, N. (2013). Global Criminology: Crime and Victimization in a Globalized Era. Boca Raton, Florida: CRC Press, Taylor and Francis Group. ISBN 9781439892497.
|
||||
Katz, J. (1988). Seductions of Crime: Moral and Sensual Attractions in Doing Evil. New York: Basic Books.
|
||||
Pettit, Philip and Braithwaite, John (1990). Not Just Deserts. A Republican Theory of Criminal Justice. New York: Oxford University Press ISBN 978-0-19-824056-3 (see Republican Criminology and Victim Advocacy: Comment for article concerning the book in Law & Society Review, Vol. 28, No. 4, pp. 765–776).
|
||||
Pontell, Henry, Black, W. K., & Geis, G. (2014). "Too big to fail, too powerful to jail? On the absence of criminal prosecutions after the 2008 financial meltdown." Crime, Law and Social Change, 61(1), 1–13.
|
||||
Sampson, Robert J. (2012), Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
|
||||
Wikibooks: Introduction to sociology
|
||||
Mirco Turco; Giuseppe Lodeserto; Maria Rosaria Bruscella; et al. (Daniele Martignano) (1 September 2025). Crime Analyst. Aspetti psicocriminologici e investigativi [Crime Analyst. Psycho-criminological and investigative aspects]. PE Psychology (in Italian). Padua (PD): Primiceri editore. ISBN 978-88-99747-45-9. Retrieved 16 April 2025.
|
||||
Wolff, Kevin & Baglivio, M. T. (2017). Adverse childhood experiences, negative emotionality, and pathways to juvenile recidivism. Crime & Delinquency, 63(12), 1495–1521.
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
31
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|
||||
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|
||||
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||||
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|
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|
||||
|
||||
Cultural studies or cultural theory is an academic field that explores the dynamics of contemporary culture (including the politics of popular culture) and its social and historical foundations. Cultural studies researchers investigate how cultural practices relate to wider systems of power associated with, or operating through, social phenomena. These include ideology, class structures, national formations, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, and generation. Employing cultural analysis, cultural studies views cultures not as fixed, bounded, stable, and discrete entities, but rather as constantly interacting and changing sets of practices and processes.
|
||||
British Marxist academics initially developed cultural studies in the late 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, and it has since been taken up and transformed by scholars from many different disciplines around the world. Cultural studies is avowedly, and even radically, interdisciplinary and can sometimes be seen as anti-disciplinary. A key concern for cultural studies practitioners is the examination of the forces within and through which socially organized people conduct and participate in the construction of their everyday lives.
|
||||
Cultural studies combines a variety of politically engaged critical approaches including semiotics, Marxism, feminist theory, ethnography, post-structuralism, postcolonialism, social theory, political theory, history, philosophy, literary theory, media theory, film/video studies, communication studies, political economy, translation studies, museum studies and art history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in various societies and historical periods. Cultural studies seeks to understand how meaning is generated, disseminated, contested, bound up with systems of power and control, and produced from the social, political, and economic spheres within a particular social formation or conjuncture. The movement has generated important theories of cultural hegemony and agency. Its practitioners attempt to explain and analyze the cultural forces related to and processes of globalization.
|
||||
During the rise of neoliberalism in Britain and the US, cultural studies both became a global phenomenon. They attracted the attention of many conservative opponents both within and beyond universities for a variety of reasons. A worldwide movement of students and practitioners, with a raft of scholarly associations and programs, annual international conferences, and publications, continues the work in this field today. Distinct approaches to cultural studies have emerged in different national and regional contexts.
|
||||
|
||||
== Overview ==
|
||||
|
||||
=== Sardar's characteristics ===
|
||||
In his 1994 book, Introducing Cultural Studies, orientalist scholar Ziauddin Sardar lists the following five main characteristics of cultural studies:
|
||||
|
||||
The objective of cultural studies is to understand culture in all its complex forms and to analyze the social and political context in which culture manifests itself.
|
||||
Cultural study is a site of both study/analysis and political criticism. For example, not only would a cultural studies scholar study an object, but they may also connect this study to a larger political project.
|
||||
Cultural studies attempts to expose and reconcile constructed divisions of knowledge that purport to be grounded in nature.
|
||||
Cultural studies commits to an ethical evaluation of modern society.
|
||||
One aim of cultural studies could be to examine cultural practices and their relation to power, following critical theory. For example, a study of a subculture (such as white working-class youth in London) would consider their social practices against those of the dominant culture (in this example, the middle and upper classes in London who control the political and financial sectors that create policies affecting the well-being of white working-class youth in London).
|
||||
|
||||
== British cultural studies ==
|
||||
Dennis Dworkin writes that "a critical moment" in the beginning of cultural studies as a field was when Richard Hoggart used the term in 1964 in founding the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham. The centre would become home to the development of the intellectual orientation that has become known internationally as the "Birmingham School" of cultural studies, thus becoming the world's first institutional home of cultural studies.
|
||||
Hoggart appointed as his assistant Stuart Hall, who would effectively be directing CCCS by 1968. Hall formally assumed the directorship of CCCS in 1971, when Hoggart left Birmingham to become Assistant Director-General of UNESCO. Thereafter, the field of cultural studies became closely associated with Hall's work. In 1979, Hall left Birmingham to accept a prestigious chair in sociology at the Open University, and Richard Johnson took over the directorship of the centre.
|
||||
In the late 1990s, "restructuring" at the University of Birmingham led to the elimination of CCCS and the creation of a new Department of Cultural Studies and Sociology (CSS) in 1999. Then, in 2002, the university's senior administration abruptly announced the disestablishment of CSS, provoking a substantial international outcry. The immediate reason for the disestablishment of the new department was an unexpectedly low result in the UK's Research Assessment Exercise of 2001, though a dean from the university attributed the decision to "inexperienced 'macho management'." The RAE, a holdover initiative of the Margaret Thatcher-led British government of 1986, determines research funding for university programs.
|
||||
To trace the development of British Cultural Studies, see, for example, the work of Richard Hoggart, E. P. Thompson, Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall, Paul Willis, Angela McRobbie, Paul Gilroy, David Morley, Charlotte Brunsdon, Richard Dyer, and others. There are also many published overviews of the historical development of cultural studies, including Graeme Turner's British Cultural Studies: An Introduction, 3rd Ed. and John Hartley's A Short History of Cultural Studies.
|
||||
20
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|
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|
||||
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
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||||
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||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
=== Stuart Hall's directorship of CCCS ===
|
||||
Beginning in 1964, after the initial appearance of the founding works of British Cultural Studies in the late 1950s, Stuart Hall's pioneering work at CCCS, along with that of his colleagues and postgraduate students, gave shape and substance to the field of cultural studies. This would include such people as Paul Willis, Dick Hebdige, David Morley, Charlotte Brunsdon, John Clarke, Richard Dyer, Judith Williamson, Richard Johnson, Iain Chambers, Dorothy Hobson, Chris Weedon, Tony Jefferson, Michael Green, and Angela McRobbie.
|
||||
Many cultural studies scholars employed Marxist methods of analysis, exploring the relationships between cultural forms (i.e., the superstructure) and that of the political economy (i.e., the base). By the 1970s, the work of Louis Althusser had radically rethought the Marxist account of base and superstructure, significantly influencing the "Birmingham School". Much of the work done at CCCS examined youth subcultural expressions of antagonism toward "respectable" middle-class British culture in the post-WWII period. Also during the 1970s, the politically formidable British working classes were in decline. Britain's manufacturing industries, while continuing to grow in output and value, were decreasing in share of GDP and numbers employed, and union rolls were shrinking. Millions of working-class Britons backed the rise of Margaret Thatcher amid labour losses. For Stuart Hall and his colleagues, this shift in loyalty from the Labour Party to the Conservative Party had to be explained in terms of cultural politics, which they had been tracking even before Thatcher's first victory. Some of this work was presented in the cultural studies classic, Policing the Crisis, and in other later texts such as Hall's The Hard Road to Renewal: Thatcherism and the Crisis of the Left, and New Times: The Changing Face of Politics in the 1990s.
|
||||
In 2016, Duke University Press launched a new series of Stuart Hall's collected writings, many of which detail his major and decisive contributions toward the establishment of the field of cultural studies. In 2023, a new Stuart Hall Archive Project was launched at the University of Birmingham to commemorate Hall's contributions in pioneering the field of cultural studies at CCCS.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Late-1970s and beyond ===
|
||||
By the late 1970s, scholars associated with The Birmingham School had firmly placed questions of gender and race on the cultural studies agenda, where they have remained ever since. Also, by the late 1970s, cultural studies had begun to attract considerable international attention. It spread globally throughout the 1980s and 1990s. As it did so, it both encountered new conditions of knowledge production, and engaged with other major international intellectual currents such as Post-structuralism, postmodernism, and postcolonialism. The wide range of cultural studies journals now located throughout the world, as shown below, is one indication of the globalization of the field. For overviews of and commentaries on developments in cultural studies during the twenty-first century, see Lawrence Grossberg's Cultural Studies in the Future Tense, Gilbert Rodman's Why Cultural Studies?, and Graeme Turner's What's Become of Cultural Studies?
|
||||
|
||||
=== Hall's cultural studies ===
|
||||
Hall's cultural studies explores culture as a system that shapes individuals' identities through the meanings and practices arising from the constant power dynamics that comprise it. Hall viewed culture as a "critical site of social action and intervention, where power relations are both established and potentially unsettled." He perceived culture as a power dynamic, in which the media unintentionally possesses more control over ideology than the public. Hall viewed the media as a source of preserving the status quo of a reflection that already exists in society. The media hegemony in question, he emphasized, "is not a conscious plot or conspiracy, it's not overtly coercive, and its effects are not total." Compared to other thinkers on this subject, he studied and analyzed symbols, ideologies, signs, and other representations within cultural studies. Most of his contributions occurred in the 1980s, where he looked at how media cultivates cultural power, how it is consumed, mediated and negotiated, etc. Hall has also been accredited with the expansion of cultural studies through "the primacy of culture's role as an educational site where identities are being continually transformed, power is enacted, and learning assumes a political dynamic." He viewed politics as being used mainly for power instead of the betterment of society. This led to the belief that political dynamics could change with a reform in the education system (if one changes the education system, then one can change the culture). Hall viewed culture as something that is institutionalized, which could only be studied through the interactional patterns that people within a culture exhibit and experience. Culture is something that makes up society, is a learned trait, and is influenced by various forms of media that help to establish it. Power is the underlying tone of Hall's cultural studies. Hall believed that culture has some power, but the media's use of it is what sways and dictates culture itself.
|
||||
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|
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|
||||
|
||||
== Developments outside the UK ==
|
||||
In the US, before the emergence of British cultural studies, several versions of cultural analysis had emerged largely from pragmatic and liberal-pluralist philosophical traditions. However, in the late 1970s and 1980s, when British Cultural Studies began to spread internationally, and to engage with feminism, post-structuralism, postmodernism, and race, critical cultural studies (i.e., Marxist, feminist, poststructuralist, etc.) expanded tremendously in American universities in fields such as communication studies, education, sociology, and literature. Cultural Studies, the flagship journal of the field, has been based in the US since its founding editor, John Fiske, brought it there from Australia in 1987.
|
||||
A thriving cultural studies scene has existed in Australia since the late 1970s, when several key CS practitioners emigrated there from the UK, bringing British cultural studies with them, after Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister of the UK in 1979. A school of cultural studies known as cultural policy studies is one of the distinctive Australian contributions to the field, though it is not the only one. Australia also gave birth to the world's first professional cultural studies association (now known as the Cultural Studies Association of Australasia) in 1990. Cultural studies journals based in Australia include International Journal of Cultural Studies, Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies, and Cultural Studies Review.
|
||||
In Canada, cultural studies have sometimes focused on issues of technology and society, continuing the emphasis in the work of Marshall McLuhan, Harold Innis, and others. Cultural studies journals based in Canada include Topia: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies.
|
||||
In Africa, human rights and third-world issues are among the central topics treated. There is a thriving cultural and media studies scholarship in Southern Africa, with its locus in South Africa and Zimbabwe. Cultural studies journals based in Africa include the Journal of African Cultural Studies.
|
||||
In Latin America, cultural studies have drawn on thinkers such as José Martí, Ángel Rama, and other Latin American figures, as well as on Western theoretical sources associated with cultural studies elsewhere. Leading Latin American cultural studies scholars include Néstor García Canclini, Jésus Martín-Barbero, and Beatriz Sarlo. Among the key issues addressed by Latin American cultural studies scholars are decoloniality, urban cultures, and postdevelopment theory. Latin American cultural studies journals include the Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies.
|
||||
Even though cultural studies developed much more rapidly in the UK than in continental Europe, it is well established in countries such as France, Spain, and Portugal. The field is relatively undeveloped in Germany, probably due to the continued influence of the Frankfurt School, which is now often said to be in its third generation, which includes notable figures such as Axel Honneth. Cultural studies journals based in continental Europe include the European Journal of Cultural Studies, the Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, French Cultural Studies, and Portuguese Cultural Studies.
|
||||
In Germany, the term cultural studies specifically refers to the field in the Anglosphere, especially British cultural studies, to differentiate it from the German Kulturwissenschaft which developed along different lines and is characterized by its distance from political science. However, Kulturwissenschaft and cultural studies are often used interchangeably, particularly by lay people.
|
||||
Throughout Asia, cultural studies have thrived since at least the beginning of the 1990s. Cultural studies journals based in Asia include Inter-Asia Cultural Studies. In India, the Centre for the Study of Culture and Society in Bangalore and the Department of Cultural Studies at the English and Foreign Languages and the University of Hyderabad are two major institutional spaces for Cultural Studies.
|
||||
|
||||
== Issues, concepts, and approaches ==
|
||||
Marxism has been an important influence on cultural studies. Those associated with CCCS initially engaged deeply with the structuralism of Louis Althusser and, later in the 1970s, turned decisively toward Antonio Gramsci. Cultural studies has also embraced the examination of race, gender, and other aspects of identity, as is illustrated, for example, by some key books published collectively under the name of CCCS in the late 1970s and early 1980s, including Women Take Issue: Aspects of Women's Subordination (1978), and The Empire Strikes Back: Race and Racism in 70s Britain (1982).
|
||||
|
||||
=== Gramsci and hegemony ===
|
||||
To understand the changing political circumstances of class, politics, and culture in the United Kingdom, scholars at The Birmingham School turned to the work of Antonio Gramsci, an Italian thinker, writer, and Communist Party leader. Gramsci had been concerned with similar issues: why would Italian laborers and peasants vote for fascists? What strategic approach is necessary to mobilize popular support in more progressive directions? Gramsci modified classical Marxism and argued that culture must be understood as a key site of political and social struggle. In his view, capitalists used not only brute force (police, prisons, repression, military) to maintain control, but also penetrated the everyday culture of working people in a variety of ways in their efforts to win popular "consent".
|
||||
For Gramsci, historical leadership, or hegemony, involves the formation of alliances between class factions, and struggles within the cultural realm of everyday common sense. Hegemony was always, for Gramsci, an interminable, unstable and contested process.
|
||||
Scott Lash writes:
|
||||
|
||||
In the work of Hall, Hebdige and McRobbie, popular culture came to the fore... What Gramsci gave to this was the importance of consent and culture. If the fundamental Marxists saw the power in terms of class-versus-class, then Gramsci gave to us a question of class alliance. The rise of cultural studies itself was based on the decline of the prominence of fundamental class-versus-class politics.
|
||||
Edgar and Sedgwick write:
|
||||
|
||||
The theory of hegemony was of central importance to the development of British cultural studies, particularly the Birmingham School. It facilitated the analysis of the ways subordinate groups actively resist and respond to political and economic domination. The subordinate groups needed not to be seen merely as the passive dupes of the dominant class and its ideology.
|
||||
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---
|
||||
|
||||
=== Structure and agency ===
|
||||
The development of hegemony theory in cultural studies was, in some ways, consonant with work in other fields exploring agency, a theoretical concept that emphasizes the active, critical capacities of subordinated people (e.g., the working classes, colonized peoples, women). As Stuart Hall famously argued in his 1981 essay, "Notes on Deconstructing 'the Popular'": "ordinary people are not cultural dopes." Insistence on accounting for the agency of subordinated people run counter to the work of traditional structuralists. Some analysts have, however, been critical of certain work in cultural studies that they feel overstates the significance of, or even romanticizes, some forms of popular cultural agency.
|
||||
Cultural studies often concerns itself with agency at the level of everyday practices, and approaches such research from a standpoint of radical contextualism. In other words, cultural studies rejects universal accounts of cultural practices, meanings, and identities.
|
||||
Judith Butler, an American feminist theorist whose work is often associated with cultural studies, wrote that:
|
||||
|
||||
the move from a structuralist account in which capital is understood to structure social relations in relatively homologous ways to a view of hegemony in which power relations are subject to repetition, convergence, and rearticulation brought the question of temporality into the thinking of structure. It has marked a shift from a form of Althusserian theory that takes structural totalities as theoretical objects to one in which the insights into the contingent possibility of structure inaugurate a renewed conception of hegemony as bound up with the contingent sites and strategies of the rearticulation of power.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Globalization ===
|
||||
In recent decades, as capitalism has spread throughout the world via contemporary forms of globalization, cultural studies has generated important analyses of local sites and practices of negotiation with and resistance to Western hegemony.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Cultural consumption ===
|
||||
Cultural studies criticizes the traditional view of the passive consumer, particularly by underlining the different ways people read, receive, and interpret cultural texts, or appropriate other kinds of cultural products, or otherwise participate in the production and circulation of meanings. On this view, a consumer can appropriate, actively rework, or challenge the meanings circulated through cultural texts. In some of its variants, cultural studies has shifted the analytical focus from traditional understandings of production to consumption – viewed as a form of production (of meanings, of identities, etc.) in its own right. Stuart Hall, John Fiske, and others have been influential in these developments.
|
||||
A special 2008 issue of the field's flagship journal, Cultural Studies, examined "anti-consumerism" from a variety of cultural studies angles. Jeremy Gilbert noted in the issue that cultural studies must grapple with the fact that "we now live in an era when, throughout the capitalist world, the overriding aim of government economic policy is to maintain consumer spending levels. This is an era when 'consumer confidence' is treated as the key indicator and cause of economic effectiveness."
|
||||
|
||||
=== Concept of "text" ===
|
||||
Cultural studies, drawing upon and developing semiotics, uses the concept of text to designate not only written language, but also television programs, films, photographs, fashion, hairstyles, and so forth; the texts of cultural studies comprise all the meaningful artifacts of culture. This conception of textuality derives especially from the work of the pioneering and influential semiotician, Roland Barthes, but also owes debts to other sources, such as Juri Lotman and his colleagues from Tartu–Moscow School. Similarly, the field broadens the concept of culture. Cultural studies approach the sites and spaces of everyday life, such as pubs, living rooms, gardens, and beaches, as "texts".
|
||||
Culture, in this context, includes not only high culture, but also everyday meanings and practices, a central focus of cultural studies.
|
||||
Jeff Lewis summarized much of the work on textuality and textual analysis in his cultural studies textbook and a post-9/11 monograph on media and terrorism. According to Lewis, textual studies use complex and difficult heuristic methods and require both powerful interpretive skills and a subtle conception of politics and contexts. The task of the cultural analyst, for Lewis, is to engage with both knowledge systems and texts, and to observe and analyze how the two interact. This engagement represents the critical dimensions of the analysis, its capacity to illuminate the hierarchies within and surrounding the given text and its discourse.
|
||||
|
||||
== Academic reception ==
|
||||
Cultural studies has evolved through its uptake across a variety of different disciplines—anthropology, media studies, communication studies, literary studies, education, geography, philosophy, sociology, politics, and others.
|
||||
While some have accused certain areas of cultural studies of meandering into political relativism and a kind of empty version of "postmodern" analysis, others hold that at its core, cultural studies provides a significant conceptual and methodological framework for cultural, social, and economic critique. This critique is designed to "deconstruct" the meanings and assumptions that are inscribed in the institutions, texts, and practices that work with and through, and produce and represent, culture. Thus, while some scholars and disciplines have dismissed cultural studies for its methodological rejection of disciplinarity, its core strategies of critique and analysis have influenced areas of the social sciences and humanities; for example, cultural studies work on forms of social differentiation, control and inequality, identity, community-building, media, and knowledge production has had a substantial impact. Moreover, the influence of cultural studies has become increasingly evident in areas as diverse as translation studies, health studies, international relations, development studies, computer studies, economics, archaeology, and neurobiology.
|
||||
Cultural studies has also diversified its interests and methodologies, incorporating a range of studies on media policy, democracy, design, leisure, tourism, warfare, and development. While certain key concepts such as ideology or discourse, class, hegemony, identity, and gender remain significant, cultural studies has long engaged with and integrated new concepts and approaches. The field thus continues to pursue political critique through its engagements with the forces of culture and politics.
|
||||
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
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date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:43.870636+00:00"
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|
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---
|
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|
||||
== Integration of popular culture in CS and education ==
|
||||
The integration of popular culture in classrooms has influenced educational practices in cultural studies. By analyzing TV series, movies, memes, and other cultural materials, educators can encourage media literacy, critical thinking, and a deeper understanding of social issues. Incorporating popular culture into education through cultural studies helps students critically engage with the world around them, fostering media literacy and critical thinking. Educators can use cultural texts to discuss societal issues, challenge norms, and prepare students for active participation in a media-dominated world.
|
||||
Popular culture can be an effective tool for critical pedagogy. Evan Faidley explores how TV shows, movies, and memes can be used in the classroom to discuss topics like social justice and identity. Shows like South Park allow students to evaluate societal norms and political issues, using a pedagogy of resistance. Cultural studies encourage students to analyze intertextuality. Patricia Duff discusses how popular culture incorporates with academic discourse to build media literacy, which helps students critically engage with the media they consume daily. Kathy Mills also highlights the importance of multiliteracies, which encourages students to utilize a variety of communication media outside of the standard text, including digital and visual media. Diane Penrod argues that incorporating popular culture in education makes learning more relevant and engaging. Teachers can help students understand difficult concepts such as gender, ethnicity, and class by using works from their own cultures. Students are also encouraged to develop critical analytical abilities, which they can use in both academic and everyday situations when popular culture is integrated into the classroom.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Literary scholars ===
|
||||
Many cultural studies practitioners work in departments of English or comparative literature. Nevertheless, some traditional literary scholars such as Yale professor Harold Bloom have been outspoken critics of cultural studies. At the methodological level, these scholars dispute the theoretical underpinnings of the movement's critical framework.
|
||||
Bloom stated his position during the 3 September 2000 episode of C-SPAN's Booknotes, while discussing his book How to Read and Why:
|
||||
|
||||
[T]here are two enemies of reading now in the world, not just in the English-speaking world. One [is] the lunatic destruction of literary studies...and its replacement by what is called cultural studies in all of the universities and colleges in the English-speaking world, and everyone knows what that phenomenon is. I mean, the...now-weary phrase 'political correctness' remains a perfectly good descriptive phrase for what has gone on and is, alas, still going on almost everywhere and which dominates, I would say, rather more than three-fifths of the tenured faculties in the English-speaking world, who really do represent treason of the intellectuals, I think, a 'betrayal of the clerks'."
|
||||
Marxist literary critic Terry Eagleton is not wholly opposed to cultural studies, but has criticised aspects of it and highlighted what he sees as its strengths and weaknesses in books such as After Theory (2003). For Eagleton, literary and cultural theory have the potential to say important things about the "fundamental questions" in life, but theorists have rarely realized this potential.
|
||||
English departments also host cultural rhetorics scholars. This academic field defines cultural rhetorics as "the study and practice of making meaning and knowledge with the belief that all cultures are rhetorical and all rhetorics are cultural." Cultural rhetorics scholars are interested in investigating topics like climate change, autism, Asian American rhetoric, and more.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Sociology ===
|
||||
Cultural studies have also had a substantial impact on sociology. For example, when Stuart Hall left CCCS at Birmingham, it was to accept a prestigious professorship in Sociology at the Open University in Britain. The subfield of cultural sociology, in particular, is the disciplinary home to many cultural studies practitioners. Nevertheless, there are some differences between sociology as a discipline and the field of cultural studies as a whole. While sociology was founded on various historical works that purposefully distinguished the subject from philosophy or psychology, cultural studies have explicitly interrogated and criticized traditional understandings and practices of disciplinarity. Most CS practitioners think it is best that cultural studies neither emulate disciplines nor aspire to disciplinarity. Rather, they promote a radical interdisciplinarity as the basis for cultural studies.
|
||||
One sociologist whose work has had a major influence on cultural studies is Pierre Bourdieu, whose work makes innovative use of statistics and in-depth interviews. However, although Bourdieu's work has been highly influential within cultural studies, and although Bourdieu regarded his work as a form of science, cultural studies has never embraced the idea that it should aspire toward "scientificity", and has marshalled a wide range of theoretical and methodological arguments against the fetishization of "scientificity" as a basis for cultural studies.
|
||||
Two sociologists who have been critical of cultural studies, Chris Rojek and Bryan S. Turner, argue in their article, "Decorative sociology: towards a critique of the cultural turn," that cultural studies, particularly the flavor championed by Stuart Hall, lacks a stable research agenda, and privileges the contemporary reading of texts, thus producing an ahistorical theoretical focus. Many, however, would argue, following Hall, that cultural studies have always sought to avoid establishing a fixed research agenda; this follows from its critique of disciplinarity. Moreover, Hall and many others have long argued against the misunderstanding that textual analysis is the sole methodology of cultural studies, and have practiced numerous other approaches, as noted above. Rojek and Turner also level the accusation that there is "a sense of moral superiority about the correctness of the political views articulated" in cultural studies.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Science wars ===
|
||||
76
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
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date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:43.870636+00:00"
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
In 1996, physicist Alan Sokal expressed his opposition to cultural studies by submitting a hoax article to a cultural studies journal, Social Text. The article, crafted as a parody of what Sokal called the "fashionable nonsense" of postmodernism, was accepted by the journal's editors, who at the time did not practice peer review. When the paper appeared in print, Sokal published a second article in a self-described "academic gossip" magazine, Lingua Franca, revealing his hoax on Social Text. Sokal stated that his motivation stemmed from his rejection of contemporary critiques of scientific rationalism:
|
||||
|
||||
Politically, I'm angered because most (though not all) of this silliness is emanating from the self-proclaimed Left. We're witnessing here a profound historical volte-face. For most of the past two centuries, the Left has been identified with science and against obscurantism; we have believed that rational thought and the fearless analysis of objective reality (both natural and social) are incisive tools for combating the mystifications promoted by the powerful – not to mention being desirable human ends in their own right. The recent turn of many "progressive" or "leftist" academic humanists and social scientists toward one or another form of epistemic relativism betrays this worthy heritage and undermines the already fragile prospects for progressive social critique. Theorizing about "the social construction of reality" won't help us find an effective treatment for AIDS or devise strategies for preventing global warming. Nor can we combat false ideas in history, sociology, economics and politics if we reject the notions of truth and falsity.
|
||||
In response to this critique, Jacques Derrida wrote:
|
||||
|
||||
In whose interest was it to go for a quick practical joke rather than taking part in the work which, sadly, it replaced?
|
||||
|
||||
== Founding works ==
|
||||
Hall and others have identified some core originating texts, or the original "curricula", of the field of cultural studies:
|
||||
|
||||
Richard Hoggart's The Uses of Literacy
|
||||
Raymond Williams' Culture and Society and The Long Revolution
|
||||
E. P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
Culturology
|
||||
Cultural Studies Association (US)
|
||||
European Communication Research and Education Association (Norway)
|
||||
International Association for Translation and Intercultural Studies (South Korea)
|
||||
Popular culture studies
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
=== Sources ===
|
||||
Bitar, Amer (2020). Bedouin Visual Leadership in the Middle East: The Power of Aesthetics and Practical Implications. Springer Nature. ISBN 9783030573973.
|
||||
Du Gay, Paul, et al. 1997. Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman. Culture, Media and Identities. London: SAGE, in association with Open University.
|
||||
During, Simon (2007). The cultural studies reader (3rd ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-37412-5.
|
||||
Edgar, Andrew, and Peter Sedgwick. 2005. Cultural Theory: The Key Concepts (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge.
|
||||
Engel, Manfred. 2008. "Cultural and Literary Studies." Canadian Review of Comparative Literature 31:460–67.
|
||||
Grossberg, Lawrence (2010). Cultural Studies in the Future Tense. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
|
||||
Grossberg, Lawrence; Nelson, Cary; Treichler, Paula, eds. (1992). Cultural Studies. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-90351-3..
|
||||
Hall, Gary & Birchall, Claire, eds. (2006). New Cultural Studies: Adventures in Theory. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
|
||||
Hall, Stuart, ed. (1980). Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-1979. London: Routledge in association with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham. ISBN 0-09-142070-9.
|
||||
—— (1980b). "Cultural studies: Two paradigms". Media, Culture & Society. 2: 57–72. doi:10.1177/016344378000200106.
|
||||
—— 1992. "Race, Culture, and Communications: Looking Backward and Forward at Cultural Studies." Rethinking Marxism 5(1):10–18.
|
||||
Hoggart, Richard. 1957. The Uses of Literacy: Aspects of Working Class Life. Chatto and Windus. ISBN 0-7011-0763-4
|
||||
Hartley, John (2003). A Short History of Cultural Studies. London: Sage.
|
||||
Johnson, Richard. 1986–87. "What Is Cultural Studies Anyway?" Social Text 16:38–80.
|
||||
—— 2004. "Multiplying Methods: From Pluralism to Combination." pp. 26–43 in Practice of Cultural Studies. London: SAGE.
|
||||
—— "Post-Hegemony? I Don't Think So" Theory, Culture & Society 24(3):95–110.
|
||||
Lash, Scott (May 2007). "Power after Hegemony: Cultural Studies in Mutation?". Theory, Culture & Society. 24 (3): 55–78. doi:10.1177/0263276407075956. S2CID 145639801.
|
||||
Lewis, Jeff (2008). Cultural Studies: The Basics (2nd ed.). London: SAGE Publications. ISBN 978-1-4129-2229-6.
|
||||
Lindlof, T. R., and B. C. Taylor. 2002. Qualitative Communication Research Methods (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
|
||||
Longhurst, Brian, Greg Smith, Gaynor Bagnall, Garry Crawford, and Michael Ogborn. 2008. Introducing Cultural Studies (2nd ed.). London: Pearson. ISBN 978-1-4058-5843-4.
|
||||
Miller, Toby, ed. (2006). A Companion to Cultural Studies. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-21788-6.
|
||||
Pollock, Griselda, ed. 1996. Generations and Geographies: Critical Theories and Critical Practices in Feminism and the Visual Arts. Routledge.
|
||||
—— 2006. Psychoanalysis and the Image. Boston: Blackwell.
|
||||
Sardar, Ziauddin, Van Loon, Borin (1997). Introducing Cultural Studies. New York: Totem Books.
|
||||
Smith, Paul. 1991. "A Course In 'Cultural Studies'." The Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association 24(1):39–49.
|
||||
—— 2006. "Looking Backwards and Forwards at Cultural Studies." pp. 331–40 in A Companion to Cultural Studies, edited by T. Miller. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-21788-6.
|
||||
Rodman, Gil (2015). Why Cultural Studies? Maldon, MA: Wiley Blackwell.
|
||||
Turner, Graeme (2003). British Cultural Studies: An Introduction (Third ed.). London: Routledge.
|
||||
—— 2012. What's Become of Cultural Studies? Los Angeles: SAGE.
|
||||
Williams, Jeffrey, interviewer. 1994. "Questioning Cultural Studies: An Interview with Paul Smith." Hartford, CT: MLG Institute for Culture and Society, Trinity College. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
|
||||
Williams, Raymond. 1985. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (revised ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.
|
||||
—— 1966. Culture and Society, 1780-1950. New York: Harper & Row.
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
|
||||
CCCS publications (Annual Reports and Stencilled Occasional [sic] Papers) of the University of Birmingham Archived 10 May 2019 at the Wayback Machine
|
||||
CSAA: Cultural Studies Association of Australasia
|
||||
Cultural Studies
|
||||
International Journal of Cultural Studies
|
||||
Stuart Hall Archive Project, University of Birmingham, UK
|
||||
Stuart Hall: Selected Writings, Duke University Press
|
||||
Research institute for Interculturality
|
||||
41
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|
||||
title: "Data Colada"
|
||||
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||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Data_Colada"
|
||||
category: "reference"
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:45.094692+00:00"
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||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Data Colada is a blog dedicated to investigative analysis and replication of academic research, focusing in particular on the validity of findings in the social sciences.
|
||||
It is known for its advocacy against problematic research practices such as p-hacking, and for publishing evidence of data manipulation and research misconduct in several prominent cases, including celebrity professors Dan Ariely and Francesca Gino. Data Colada was established in 2013 by three behavioral science researchers: Uri Simonsohn, a professor at ESADE Business School, Barcelona/Spain (as of 2023), Leif Nelson, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and Joe Simmons, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== History ==
|
||||
Around 2011, Simmons, Nelson and Simonsohn "bonded over the false, ridiculous, and flashy findings that the field [of behavioral sciences] was capable of producing", such as a paper by Cornell psychologist Daryl Bem that had supposedly found evidence for clairvoyance. They reacted by publishing an influential 2011 paper about false positive results in psychology, illustrating the problem with a parody research finding that supposedly showed that listening to the Beatles song "When I’m Sixty-Four" made experimental subjects one and a half years younger.
|
||||
The "Data Colada" blog was launched two years later, in 2013, carrying the tagline "Thinking about evidence, and vice versa", becoming what The New York Times described as "a hub for nerdy discussions of statistical methods — and, before long, various research crimes and misdemeanors".
|
||||
In particular, the three researchers objected to the then widespread practice of cherry-picking data and attempts to make insignificant results appear statistically credible, especially an approach for which they coined the term p-hacking in a 2014 paper.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Notable findings ==
|
||||
Apart from calling out faulty, but presumably well-intended research practices, Data Colada also published evidence of data manipulations and research misconduct. These include studies about the concept of the moral high ground by psychologist Lawrence Sanna, and research by Flemish psychologist Dirk Smeesters. According to The New Yorker, after Data Colada published their work, the careers of Sanna and Smeesters "came to an unceremonious end".
|
||||
In 2021, Data Colada discovered fabricated data in a 2012 field study published in PNAS by Lisa L. Shu, Nina Mazar, Francesca Gino, Dan Ariely, and Max H. Bazerman. All of the study's authors agreed with their assessment and the paper was retracted. The authors also agreed that Ariely was the only author who had access to the data prior to transmitting it in its fraudulent form to Mazar, the analyst. Ariely denied manipulating the data, but Excel metadata showed that he created the spreadsheet and was the last to edit it. He also admitted to having mislabeled all of the values in an entire column of the data in an e-mail to Mazar shortly after he initially sent her the data. Ariely has stated that someone at the insurance agency that provided the data must have fabricated it.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Reception ==
|
||||
Data Colada's work is credited with contributing awareness to the replication crisis, the idea that many research results in the social sciences are difficult or impossible to reproduce. Data Colada is also recognized for helping to establish better research practices, such as the sharing of replication data.
|
||||
The Nobel-prize winning psychologist Daniel Kahneman described Data Colada in 2023 as "heroes of mine" and expressed his regret about previously endorsing research findings that the blog later showed were faulty. Brian Nosek of the Center for Open Science applauded Data Colada for having "done an amazing job of developing new methodologies to interrogate the credibility of research."
|
||||
On the other hand, as summarized by The New Yorker, "Data Colada's harshest critics saw the young men as jealous upstarts who didn’t understand the soft artistry of the social sciences". Psychologist Norbert Schwarz accused Data Colada and other reformers of engaging in a "witch hunt," while psychologist Daniel Gilbert denounced what he called the "replication police" as "shameless little bullies".
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Francesca Gino lawsuit ==
|
||||
In 2021, researcher Zoé Ziani and another collaborator alerted Data Colada about problems replicating work by Harvard University behavioral scientist Francesca Gino. Later that year, the Data Colada team contacted Harvard about anomalies in four papers by Gino. Harvard subsequently conducted its own internal investigation with the help of an outside firm, which discovered additional data alterations besides the cases raised by Data Colada. In June 2023, Harvard Business School placed Gino on unpaid administrative leave after the internal investigation determined she had falsified data in her research. Around the same time, Data Colada published four blog posts detailing evidence that the four papers (all of which had been retracted or set to be retracted at that point), and possibly others by Gino, "contain fake data." Gino subsequently filed a defamation suit against Harvard, Harvard Business School Dean Srikant Datar, and the three members of Data Colada for $25 million, alleging that they had conspired to damage her reputation with false accusations, and that the penalties against her amounted to gender-based discrimination under Title IX. Gino accused Harvard and the Data Colada team of having "worked together to destroy my career and reputation despite admitting they have no evidence proving their allegations." The lawsuit raised concerns about chilling effects. Open science proponent Simine Vazire raised over $370,000 to help cover the legal fees of Data Colada.
|
||||
On September 11, 2024, the judge dismissed all of Gino's claims against the Data Colada defendants (defamation and other claims), and dismissed Gino's defamation and certain other claims (such as violation of privacy) against the Harvard University defendants, while allowing some breach of contract claims against Harvard to continue.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
Official site
|
||||
42
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|
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|
||||
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|
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|
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|
||||
|
||||
Distributive justice concerns the socially just allocation of resources, goods, opportunity in a society. It is concerned with how to allocate resources fairly among members of a society, taking into account factors such as wealth, income, and social status. Often contrasted with just process and formal equal opportunity, distributive justice concentrates on outcomes (substantive equality). This subject has been given considerable attention in philosophy and the social sciences. Theorists have developed widely different conceptions of distributive justice. These have contributed to debates around the arrangement of social, political and economic institutions to promote the just distribution of benefits and burdens within a society. Most contemporary theories of distributive justice rest on the precondition of material scarcity. From that precondition arises the need for principles to resolve competing interest and claims concerning a just or at least morally preferable distribution of scarce resources.
|
||||
In social psychology, distributive justice is defined as perceived fairness of how rewards and costs are shared by (distributed across) group members. For example, when some workers work more hours but receive the same pay, group members may feel that distributive justice has not occurred. To determine whether distributive justice has taken place, individuals often turn to the behavioral expectations of their group. If rewards and costs are allocated according to the designated distributive norms of the group, distributive justice has occurred.
|
||||
|
||||
== Types of distributive norms ==
|
||||
Five types of distributive norm are defined by Donelson R. Forsyth:
|
||||
|
||||
Equality: Regardless of their inputs, all group members should be given an equal share of the rewards/costs. Equality supports that someone who contributes 20% of the group's resources should receive as much as someone who contributes 60%.
|
||||
Equity: Members' outcomes should be based upon their inputs. Therefore, an individual who has invested a large amount of input (e.g. time, money, energy) should receive more from the group than someone who has contributed very little. Members of large groups prefer to base allocations of rewards and costs on equity.
|
||||
Power: Those with more authority, status, or control over the group should receive more than those in lower level positions.
|
||||
Need: Those in greatest needs should be provided with resources needed to meet those needs. These individuals should be given more resources than those who already possess them, regardless of their input.
|
||||
Responsibility: Group members who have the most should share their resources with those who have less.
|
||||
|
||||
== Theories of distributive justice ==
|
||||
The listed theories below are some of the most prominent theories within the field. With this in mind, the list is in no way to be considered exhaustive for distributive justice theory.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Justice as fairness ===
|
||||
In his book A Theory of Justice, John Rawls outlines his famous theory about justice as fairness. The theory consists of three core components:
|
||||
|
||||
the equality of people in rights and liberties;
|
||||
the equality of opportunities for all; and
|
||||
an arrangement of economic inequalities focused on benefit maximisation for those who are least advantaged.
|
||||
|
||||
==== The just 'basic structure' ====
|
||||
Building a modern view on social contract theory, Rawls bases his work on an idea of justice being rooted in the basic structure, constituting the fundamental rules in society, which shape the social and economic institutions, as well as the governance. This basic structure is what shapes the citizens' life opportunities. According to Rawls, the structure is based on principles about basic rights and duties that any self-interested, rational individual would accept in order to further his/her own interests in a context of social cooperation.
|
||||
|
||||
==== The original position ====
|
||||
|
||||
Rawls presents the concept of an original position as a hypothetical idea of how to establish "a fair procedure so that any principles agreed on will be just." In his envisioning of the original position, it is created from a judgement made through negotiations between a group of people who will decide on what a just distribution of primary goods is (according to Rawls, the primary goods include freedoms, opportunities, and control over resources). These people are assumed to be guided by self-interest, while also having a basic idea of morality and justice, and thus capable of understanding and evaluating a moral argument. Rawls then argues that procedural justice in the process of negotiation will be possible via a nullification of temptations for these people to exploit circumstances so as to favor their own position in society.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Veil of ignorance ====
|
||||
|
||||
This nullification of temptations is realised through a veil of ignorance, which these people will be behind. The veil prevents the people from knowing what particular preferences they will have by concealing their talents, objectives, and, most importantly, where in society they themselves will end up. The veil, on the other hand, does not conceal general information about the society, and the people are assumed to possess societal and economic knowledge beyond the personal level. Thereby, such veil creates an environment for negotiations where the evaluation of the distribution of goods is based on general considerations, regardless of place in society, rather than biased considerations based on personal gains for specific citizen positions. By this logic, the negotiations will be sensitive to both those who are worst off, given that a risk of being in that category yourself will incentivize protection of these people, but also the rest of society, as one would not wish to hinder maximal utilisation for these in case you would end up in higher classes.
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
==== Basic principles of a just distribution ====
|
||||
In this original position, the main concern will be to secure the goods that are most essential for pursuing the goals of each individual, regardless of what this specific goal might be. With this in mind, Rawls theorizes two basic principles of just distribution.
|
||||
The first principle, the liberty principle, is the equal access to basic rights and liberties for all. With this, each person should be able to access the most extensive set of liberties that is compatible with similar schemes of access by other citizens. Thereby, it is not only a question of positive individual access but also of negative restrictions so as to respect others' basic rights and liberties.
|
||||
The second principle, the difference principle, addresses how the arrangement of social and economic inequalities, and thus the just distribution should look. Firstly, Rawls argues that such distribution should be based on a reasonable expectation of advantage for all, but also to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged in society. Secondly, the offices and positions attached to this arrangement should be open to all.
|
||||
These principles of justice are then prioritised according to two additional principles:
|
||||
|
||||
=== Utilitarianism ===
|
||||
|
||||
In 1789, Jeremy Bentham published his book An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Centred on individual utility and welfare, utilitarianism builds on the notion that any action which increases the overall welfare in society is good, and any action that decreases welfare is bad. By this notion, utilitarianism's focus lies with its outcomes and pays little attention to how these outcomes are shaped. This idea of utilisation maximisation, while being a much broader philosophical consideration, also translates into a theory of justice.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Conceptualising welfare ====
|
||||
While the basic notion that utilitarianism builds on seems simple, one major dispute within the school of utilitarianism revolved around the conceptualisation and measurement of welfare. With disputes over this fundamental aspect, utilitarianism is evidently a broad term embracing many different sub-theories under its umbrella, and while much of the theoretical framework transects across these conceptualisations, using the different conceptualisation have clear implications for how we understand the more practical side of utilitarianism in distributive justice.
|
||||
Bentham originally conceptualised this according to the hedonistic calculus, which also became the foundation for John Stuart Mill's focus on intellectual pleasures as the most beneficial contribution to societal welfare. Another path has been painted by Aristotle, based on an attempt to create a more universal list of conditions required for human prosperity. Opposite this, another path focuses on a subjective evaluation of happiness and satisfaction in human lives.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Egalitarianism ===
|
||||
|
||||
Based on a fundamental notion of equal worth and moral status of human beings, egalitarianism is concerned with equal treatment of all citizens in both respect and in concern, and in relation to the state as well as one another. Egalitarianism focuses more on the process through which distribution takes place, egalitarianism evaluates the justification for a certain distribution based on how the society and its institutions have been shaped, rather than what the outcome is. Attention is mainly given to ways in which unchosen person circumstances affect and hinder individuals and their life opportunities. As Elizabeth Anderson defines it, "the positive aim of egalitarian justice is...to create a community in which people stand in relation of equality to others."
|
||||
The main issue with egalitarian conceptions of distributive justice is the question concerning what kind of equality should be pursued. This is because one kind of equality might imply or require inequality of another kind. Strict egalitarianism, for instance, requires the equal allocation of material resources to every person of a given society. The principle of strict equality therefore holds that even if an unequal distribution would make everyone better off, or if an unequal distribution would make some better off but no one worse off, the strictly egalitarian distribution should be upheld. This notion of distributive justice can be critiqued because it can result in Pareto suboptimal distributions. Thus, the Pareto norm suggests that principles of distributive justice should result in allocations in which it is no longer possible to make anyone better off without making anyone else worse off. This illustrates a concern for the equality of welfare, which is an ex post conception of equality as it is concerned with the equality in outcomes. This conception has been critiqued by those in favour of ex ante equality, that is equality in people´s prospects, which is captured by alternative conceptions of equality such as those that demand equality of opportunity.
|
||||
While much academic work distinguishes between luck egalitarianism and social egalitarianism, Roland Pierik presents a synthesis combining the two branches. In his synthesis, he argues that instead of focusing on compensations for unjust inequalities in society via redistribution of primary goods, egalitarianism scholars should instead, given the fundamental notion upon which the theory is built, strive to create institutions that creates and promotes meaningful equal opportunities from the get-go. Pierik thus moves egalitarianism's otherwise reactive nature by emphasising a need for attention to the development of fundamentally different institutions that would eradicate the need for redistribution and instead focus on the initial equal distribution of opportunities from which people then themselves be able to shape their lives.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Marxism ===
|
||||
The slogan "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs" refers to distributive justice in Marxism according to Karl Marx. In Marxism-Leninism according to Vladimir Lenin the slogan "He who does not work, neither shall he eat" is a necessary approach to distributive justice on the path towards a communist society.
|
||||
|
||||
== Application and outcomes ==
|
||||
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||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
=== Outcomes ===
|
||||
Recent research has introduced probabilistic models, such as the Boltzmann Fair Division, which apply statistical and thermodynamic principles to the allocation of resources in society. These models provide a flexible and unbiased approach to distributive justice, allowing parameters to be tuned for equality, merit, or need. The Boltzmann fair division framework has been shown to bridge classical theories and practical policy applications, enabling fair and efficient distributions across diverse settings.
|
||||
Distributive justice also affects organizational performance when efficiency and productivity are involved. Improving perceptions of justice increases performance. Organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs) are employee actions in support of the organization that are outside the scope of their job description. Such behaviors depend on the degree to which an organization is perceived to be distributively just. As organizational actions and decisions are perceived as more just, employees are more likely to engage in OCBs. Perceptions of distributive justice are also strongly related to the withdrawal of employees from the organization.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Wealth ===
|
||||
|
||||
Distributive justice considers whether the distribution of goods among the members of society at a given time is subjectively acceptable.
|
||||
Not all advocates of consequentialist theories are concerned with an equitable society. What unites them is the mutual interest in achieving the best possible results or, in terms of the example above, the best possible distribution of wealth.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Environmental justice ===
|
||||
|
||||
Distributive justice in an environmental context is the equitable distribution of a society's technological and environmental risks, impacts, and benefits. These burdens include exposure to hazardous waste, land appropriation, armed violence, and murder. Distributive justice is an essential principle of environmental justice because there is evidence that shows that these burdens cause health problems, negatively affect quality of life, and drive down property value.
|
||||
The potential negative social impacts of environmental degradation and regulatory policies have been at the center environmental discussions since the rise of environmental justice. Environmental burdens fall disproportionately upon the Global South, while benefits are primarily accrued to the Global North.
|
||||
|
||||
=== In politics ===
|
||||
Distributive justice theory argues that societies have a duty to individuals in need and that all individuals have a duty to help others in need. Proponents of distributive justice link it to human rights. Many governments are known for dealing with issues of distributive justice, especially in countries with ethnic tensions and geographically distinctive minorities. Post-apartheid South Africa is an example of a country that deals with issues of re-allocating resources with respect to the distributive justice framework.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Catholic Church ===
|
||||
Distributive justice is also fundamental to the Catholic Church's social teaching, inspiring such figures as Dorothy Day and Pope John Paul II.
|
||||
|
||||
== Criticism ==
|
||||
39
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|
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|
||||
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||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:46.338543+00:00"
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||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
=== Friedrich von Hayek ===
|
||||
Within the context of Western liberal democracies in the post-WWII decades, Friedrich von Hayek was one of the most famous opposers of the idea of distributive justice. For him, social and distributive justice were meaningless and impossible to attain, on the grounds of being within a system where the outcomes are not determined deliberately by the people but contrarily spontaneity is the norm. Therefore, distributive justice, redistribution of wealth, and the demands for social justice in a society ruled by an impersonal process such as the market are in this sense incompatible with that system.
|
||||
In his book The Road to Serfdom, there can be found considerations about social assistance from the state. There, in talking about the importance of a restrictive kind of security (the one against physical privation) in front of one that necessarily needs to control or abolish the market, Hayek poses that "there can be no doubt that some minimum of food, shelter, and clothing, sufficient to preserve health and the capacity to work, can be assured to everybody". Providing this type of security is for Hayek compatible with individual freedom as it does not involve planning. But already in this early work, he acknowledges the fact that this provision must keep the incentives and the external pressure going and not select which group enjoys security and which does not, for under these conditions "the striving for security tends to become higher than the love of freedom". Therefore, fostering a certain kind of security (the one that for him socialist economic policies follow) can entail growing insecurity as the privilege increases social differences. Notwithstanding, he concludes that "adequate security against severe privation, and the reduction of the avoidable causes of misdirected effort and consequent disappointment, will have to be one of the main goals of policy".
|
||||
Hayek dismisses an organizational view that ascribes certain outcomes to an intentional design, which would be contrary to his proposed spontaneous order. For this, Hayek famously firstly regards the term social (or distributive) justice as meaningless when it is applied to the results of a liberal market system that should yield spontaneous outcomes. Justice has an individual component for Hayek, is only understood in the aggregation of individual actions which follow common rules, social and distributive justice are the negative opposite as they need a command economy. Secondly, following Tebble's (2009) view, the concept of social justice is for Hayek a reminiscence of an atavistic view towards society, that has been overcome by the survival capacity of the catallactic order and its values.
|
||||
The third Hayekian critique is about the unfeasibility of attaining distributive justice in a free market order and this is defended on the basis of the determinate goal that all distributive justice aims to. In a catallactic order, the individual morality should freely determine what are distributive fairness and the values that govern economic activity, and the fact that it is impossible to gather all the individual information in a single pursuit for social and distributive justice results in realizing the fact that it cannot be pursued. Lastly, Hayek claims for the incompatibility between the free market and social justice, for, in essence, they are different kinds of inequalities. The former is one determined by the interaction of free individuals and the latter by the decision of an authority. Hayek will, on ethical grounds, choose the former.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Robert Nozick ===
|
||||
One of the major exponents of the libertarian outlook toward distributive justice is Robert Nozick. In his book Anarchy, State, and Utopia he stresses how the term distributive justice is not a neutral one. In fact, there is no central distributor that can be regarded as such. What each person gets, he or she gets from the outcomes of Lockean self-ownership (a condition that implies one's labor mixed with the world), or others who give to him in exchange for something, or as a gift. For him, "there is no more a distributing or distribution of shares than there is a distribution of mates in a society in which persons choose whom they shall marry". This means that there can be no pattern to which to conform or aim. The market and the result of individual actions provided the conditions for libertarian principles of just acquisition and exchange (contained in his Entitlement Theory) will have as a result a distribution that will be just, without the need for considerations about the specific model or standard it should follow.
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
|
||||
== Notes ==
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
Konow, James. 2003. "Which is the fairest one of all?: A positive analysis of justice theories", Journal of Economic Literature 41(4):1188–1239. doi:10.1257/002205103771800013.
|
||||
Laczniak, Gene R., and Patrick E. Murphy. 2008: "Distributive Justice: Pressing Questions, Emerging Directions, and the Promise of Rawlsian Analysis." Journal of Macromarketing 28(1):5–11.
|
||||
Maiese, Michelle. [2003] 2013. "The Notion of Fair Distribution." Beyond Intractability.
|
||||
Phelps, Edmund S. 1987. "Distributive justice." Pp. 886–888 in The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics 1.
|
||||
Rescher, Nicholas (1966). Distributive Justice. New York: Bobbs-Merrill.
|
||||
"Principle of Distributive Justice." Ascension Health. 28 Feb 2009.
|
||||
|
||||
== Further reading ==
|
||||
Bullemore, Thomas (2013), Justicia Distributiva y Riesgos, Academia.edu
|
||||
Hegtvedt, Karen A.; Markovsky, Barry (1995), "Justice and Injustice", in Cook, Karen S.; Fine, Gary Alan; House, James S. (eds.), Sociological Perspectives on Social Psychology (1 ed.), Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon (published 1994), pp. 257–280, ISBN 0-205-13716-4
|
||||
Leventhal, Gerald S.; Karuza, Jurgis Jr.; Fry, William R. (1980), "Beyond Fairness: A Theory of Allocation Preferences", in Mikula, Gerald (ed.), Justice and Social Interaction: Experimental and Theoretical Contributions from Psychological Research, New York City: Plenum, pp. 167–218, ISBN 3-456-80787-2
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
Fieser, James; Dowden, Bradley (eds.). "Distributive Justice". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. ISSN 2161-0002. OCLC 37741658.
|
||||
Distributive Justice on The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
|
||||
66
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|
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Doctor of Social Science (DSocSci, SScD, Dr. rer. soc. or DSS) degree is the highest degree offered by some universities in the field of social sciences, for which other universities confer a Ph.D.
|
||||
Like the PhD, it is recognized as a terminal research degree that requires a substantial original thesis.
|
||||
In North America, the only universities to offer a Doctor of Social Science are Royal Roads University in British Columbia, Canada, and Wilmington University in New Castle, Delaware, United States.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Argentina ==
|
||||
Provided by the National University of Luján
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Australia ==
|
||||
Provided by the University of Queensland
|
||||
Provided by the University of Sydney
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Canada ==
|
||||
Provided by Royal Roads University
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Finland ==
|
||||
Provided by the University of Tampere
|
||||
Provided by the University of Helsinki and at which, somewhat infelicitously, the terminal degree in Practical philosophy is awarded as a Doctor of Social Science (DSS), rather than a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.).
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Germany ==
|
||||
Provided e.g. by the University of Mannheim and by the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Holy See ==
|
||||
Provided by the Pontifical Gregorian University.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Hong Kong ==
|
||||
Provided by the University of Hong Kong.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Ireland ==
|
||||
The DSocSci is offered as a full-time qualification by:
|
||||
|
||||
University College Cork
|
||||
Maynooth University
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== United States ==
|
||||
Formerly Offered by The New School for Social Research, but abolished
|
||||
Wilmington University, New Castle, Delaware
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== United Kingdom ==
|
||||
The DSocSci is offered as a full-time or part-time qualification by:
|
||||
|
||||
Formerly offered by the University of Bristol, but abolished.
|
||||
The University of Leicester
|
||||
The Queen's University Belfast
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
46
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|
||||
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|
||||
title: "Efficient Voter Rule"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Efficient_Voter_Rule"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:48.792350+00:00"
|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
|
||||
In the study of voter behavior, the efficient voter rule speaks to the desirability of voter-driven outcomes. It applies to situations involving negative externalities such as pollution and crime, and positive externalities such as education. Related efforts to achieve socially optimal quantities of externalities have long been a focus of microeconomic research, most famously by Ronald Coase and Arthur Pigou. Externality problems persist despite past remedies, which makes newer approaches such as the efficient voter rule important.
|
||||
In the context of negative externalities, the efficient voter rule states that when individuals who receive the same harm from a problem vote on whether to eliminate that problem at a uniform cost per individual, the outcome will be efficient, regardless of each individual’s contribution to the problem. The Rule applies similarly to positive externalities, as exemplified by the solar panel example below.
|
||||
The efficient voter rule indicates that voting on a collective action or policy change should lead to an efficient outcome. Possible applications include policy decisions about clean energy, noise pollution, over-fishing, mandatory immunizations, smoking bans, zoning, septic systems, and fuel economy standards.
|
||||
In the context of crime, recent applications include votes on the strict enforcement of traffic laws. The vote in Tucson, Arizona, on whether to use cameras to catch drivers who run red lights provides one example. The community voted against this strict level of enforcement. According to the efficient voter rule, this outcome indicates that community members collectively received a greater benefit from occasionally skirting the law than from protection from malfeasance.
|
||||
The literature explains why the efficient voter rule applies even if individuals cause differing levels of damage and if a given amount of damage from each individual is completely external.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Example ==
|
||||
Consider a policy proposal to require each of the 100 households in an economy to rent a solar panel that costs $400 per year, net of the value of the energy provided to the user. Suppose each panel would prevent $600 worth of harm from pollution in the economy each year. The pollution is uniformly distributed, so each of the 100 households incurs 1/100 × $600 = $6 worth of the harm that could be avoided by each panel yearly.
|
||||
Although society's $600 annual benefit from each panel exceeds the $400 annual cost, each household only internalizes $6 worth of the environmental benefit—far less than the rental cost of a panel. So the privately optimal decision is to not rent a panel.
|
||||
To reach the socially optimal decision, residents could vote on the policy proposal. If enacted, the policy would cost each household $400 per year. The total damage each household would avoid each year if the policy were enacted—the household's annual benefit from policy enactment—would be 100 x $6 = $600. So the voting mechanism causes each household to internalize the entire $600 yearly benefit to society of purchasing a panel, and the incentive is for households to vote in favor of the socially optimal policy.
|
||||
Suppose instead that each panel would prevent only $300 worth of harm from pollution in the economy each year, again spread uniformly among 100 homes. In that case, it would not be socially optimal for residents to purchase panels, because the $400 annual cost would exceed the $300 annual benefit. Again, a vote would yield the socially optimal solution: If the policy were implemented, each resident would avoid its 1/100 x $300 = $3 share of the harm from each of 100 panels yearly, but this $300 benefit would fall below the $400 annual cost of a panel, so each resident would vote against the requirement and collectively the community would achieve the socially optimal outcome.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
Anderson, David A., 2019, Environmental Economics and Natural Resource Management, New York: Routledge. Archived 2020-12-26 at the Wayback Machine
|
||||
Anderson, David A., 2020, "Environmental Exigencies and the Efficient Voter Rule," Economies: Vol. 8: Iss. 4.
|
||||
Anderson, David A., 2011, "A Voting Approach to Externality Problems," Journal of Economic and Social Policy: Vol. 14: Iss. 1, Article 4.
|
||||
Coase, Ronald H., 1960, “The Problem of Social Cost,” Journal of Law and Economics, 3, 1-44.
|
||||
Pigou, Arthur C., 1932, The Economics of Welfare, London: Wentworth.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
=== Further reading ===
|
||||
Anderson, David A., 2025, Environmental Economics and Natural Resource Management 6e, New York: Routledge.
|
||||
Battaglini, M., Morton, R., and Palfrey, T. R., 2007, “Efficiency, Equity and Timing in Voting Mechanisms,” American Political Science Review, 101:3, 409–424.
|
||||
Bell, J., Huber, J., Viscusi, W. K., 2009, “Voter-Weighted Environmental Preferences,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 28:4, 655–671.
|
||||
Buchanan, J. M., Tullock, G., 1962, The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
|
||||
Clarke, E. H., 1980, Demand Revelation and the Provision of Public Goods, Cambridge, Mass.: Harper & Rowe, Ballinger.
|
||||
Dougherty, K. L., Edward, J., 2005, “A Nonequilibrium Analysis of Unanimity Rule, Majority Rule, and Pareto,” Economic Inquiry, 43:4, 855–864.
|
||||
Jones, L., Manuelli, R. 2001, “Endogenous Policy Choice: The Case of Pollution and Growth,” Review of Economic Dynamics, 4:2, 369–405.
|
||||
Mueller, Dennis C., 2003, Public Choice III, New York: Cambridge University Press.
|
||||
Riker, W. H., Brams, S. J., 1973, “The Paradox of Vote Trading,” American Political Science Review, 67, 1235–1247.
|
||||
Uslaner, E. M., Davis, J. R., 1975, “The Paradox of Vote Trading: Effects of Decision Rules and Voting Strategies on Externalities,” American Political Science Review, 69:3, 929–942.
|
||||
Walker, J. M., Gardner, R., Herr, A., and Ostrom, E., 2000, “Collective Choice in the Commons: Experimental Results on Proposed Allocation Rules and Votes,” Economic Journal, 110, 212–234.
|
||||
Wittman, D., 1989, “Why Democracies Produce Efficient Results,” Journal of Political Economy, 97:6, 1395–1424.
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Enchantment (social sciences)"
|
||||
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|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enchantment_(social_sciences)"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:50.051192+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Enchantment is a term widely used to describe something delightful, possibly magical, that causes a feeling of wonder. It has been adapted by a range of scholars across multiple disciplines, especially anthropology and sociology, and then later urban studies, to describe the ways in which people create moments of wonder in the midst of everyday life. British anthropologist Alfred Gell described art as "the technology of enchantment," permitting us to "see the real world in an enchanted form". American sociologist George Ritzer uses the term enchantment in his analysis of consumerism and McDonaldization, making the argument that "enchantment of the consumer is necessary for the spell to work".
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Enchantment engineers ==
|
||||
A different strand was developed by Belgian scholar Yves Winkin, who highlighted the element of collusion between "enchantment engineers" (the people who create something requiring the willing suspension of disbelief) and visitors to locations where the illusion or wonder has been created to delight them. Enchantment here is about experiencing a moment of unexpected pleasure or happiness, focusing not on times it occurs randomly, but when it results from someone's deliberate efforts. In these cases, enchantment refers to "places and landscapes created with the intention of inducing a state of euphoria in those who frequent them". Often people are not actually fooled by an enchantment, rather they choose to set aside their understanding of the everyday in order to participate in fooling themselves, so there is active collusion between engineers and visitors.
|
||||
Initially the concept of enchantment was assumed to apply to places deliberately constructing illusions, such as Disneyland, historic sites, or carnivals. Creating each of these contexts requires enchantment engineers to make certain design decisions in order to achieve specific responses from visitors. Disneyland has its own enchantment engineers, called "imagineers" (Walt Disney Imagineering). Ordinary people thus experience a world which has been deliberately prepared by professionals, a world different from their everyday reality. Many later discussions have described such contexts, including any location that draws tourists, but especially historic sites, including historic buildings and the various ways attention can be drawn to them (as with unique lighting displays).
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Enchantment and walking ==
|
||||
Enchantment has been applied to walking and pedestrian behavior generally, first to historic walking paths (e.g., the pilgrimage to Compostela), and then more broadly to pedestrian behavior and urban experiences. Most often, the focus has been on places of enchantment located throughout a city. Much of this strand of research emphasizes amenities which are not only functional but aesthetically pleasing. This is a two-part process: someone (the enchantment engineer) has to design something, but then nothing noteworthy happens until other people come along to appreciate it (tourists or visitors, or just everyday pedestrians). In this case, visitors only need to be "ready to surrender to a brief denial of reality" for enchantment to occur. Such elements as pocket gardens in Geneva may create a moment of enchantment for those who pass by. The discovery of a garden where none was expected is thus understood as a source of enchantment bringing pleasure to those walking. This in turn encourages the development of community among strangers within a city, so urban planners became interested. A frequent focus of study has been tourists in particular. In 2021, a colloquium at Centre culturel international de Cerisy-la-Salle, a conference center in northwest France, examined what had been done with the concept by that point, resulting in a book.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Enchantment and art ==
|
||||
In the 2020s, there has been a return to art as a source of enchantment, specifically examining the display of moving images onto buildings, fountains, or even trees in public spaces, and how these can bring about "moments of enchantment shared between members of the public". However, the focus on enchantment as "a type of encounter that is both unexpected and wondrous" remains the same.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
41
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Force-field_analysis-0.md
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||||
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|
||||
title: "Force-field analysis"
|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
category: "reference"
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||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:51.349532+00:00"
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
In social science, force-field analysis provides a framework for looking at the factors ("forces") that influence a situation, originally social situations. It looks at forces that are either driving the movement toward a goal (helping forces) or blocking movement toward a goal (hindering forces). The principle, developed by Kurt Lewin, is a significant contribution to the fields of social science, psychology, social psychology, community psychology, communication, organizational development, process management, and change management.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== History ==
|
||||
Lewin, a social psychologist, believed the "field" to be a Gestalt psychological environment existing in an individual's (or in the collective group) mind at a certain point in time that can be mathematically described in a topological constellation of constructs. The "field" is very dynamic, changing with time and experience. When fully constructed, an individual's "field" (Lewin used the term "life space") describes that person's motives, values, needs, moods, goals, anxieties, and ideals.
|
||||
Lewin believed that changes of an individual's "life space" depend upon that individual's internalization of external stimuli (from the physical and social world) into the "life space". Although Lewin did not use the word "experiential" (see experiential learning), he nonetheless believed that interaction (experience) of the "life space" with "external stimuli" (at what he calls the "boundary zone") was important for development (or regression). For Lewin, the development (or regression) of an individual occurs when their "life space" has a "boundary zone" experience with external stimuli. Note it is not merely the experience that causes a change in the "life space", but the acceptance (internalization) of external stimuli.
|
||||
Lewin took these same principles and applied them to the analysis of group conflict, learning, adolescence, hatred, morale, German society, etc. This approach allowed him to break down common misconceptions of these social phenomena and to determine their basic elemental constructs. He used theory, mathematics, and common sense to define a force field and hence to determine the causes of human and group behaviour.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
Decisional balance sheet
|
||||
Field theory (psychology)
|
||||
Formula for change
|
||||
Immunity to change
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
Cartwright, Dorwin (1951). "Foreword to the 1951 Edition" of Field Theory in Social Science by Kurt Lewin. Republished in: Resolving Social Conflicts & Field Theory in Social Science. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1997. Originally published by Harper & Row.
|
||||
Lewin, Kurt (May 1943). "Defining the 'Field at a Given Time'". Psychological Review. 50(3): 292–310. Republished in Resolving Social Conflicts & Field Theory in Social Science. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1997.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Further reading ==
|
||||
Swanson, Donald James; Creed, Andrew Shawn (January 2014). "Sharpening the focus of force field analysis". Journal of Change Management. 14 (1): 28–47. doi:10.1080/14697017.2013.788052. S2CID 144716750.
|
||||
Burnes, Bernard; Cooke, Bill (October 2013). "Kurt Lewin's field theory: a review and re-evaluation". International Journal of Management Reviews. 15 (4): 408–425. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2370.2012.00348.x. S2CID 142831688.
|
||||
Cronshaw, Steven F.; McCulloch, Ashley N. A. (Winter 2008). "Reinstating the Lewinian vision: from force field analysis to organization field assessment" (PDF). Organization Development Journal. 26 (4): 89–103. Archived from the original on 2015-12-22. Retrieved 2015-12-18.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link).
|
||||
Schwering, Randolph E. (2003). "Focusing leadership through force field analysis: new variations on a venerable planning tool". Leadership & Organization Development Journal. 24 (7): 361–370. doi:10.1108/01437730310498587.
|
||||
Dent, Eric B.; Goldberg, Susan Galloway (March 1999). "Challenging 'resistance to change'" (PDF). Journal of Applied Behavioral Science. 35 (1): 25–41. doi:10.1177/0021886399351003. S2CID 146595777. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2015-12-18.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link).
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
"Summary of Lewin's Force Field Analysis". ValueBasedManagement.net. 2004. Retrieved 2008-08-29.
|
||||
23
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography-0.md
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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||||
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||||
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||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:52.593175+00:00"
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
|
||||
Geography (from Ancient Greek γεωγραφία geōgraphía; combining gê 'Earth' and gráphō 'write', lit. 'Earth writing') is the study of the lands, features, inhabitants, and phenomena of planet Earth. Geography is an all-encompassing discipline that seeks an understanding of Earth and its human and natural complexities—not merely where objects are, but also how they have changed and come to be. While geography is specific to Earth, many concepts can be applied more broadly to other celestial bodies in the field of planetary science. Geography has been called "a bridge between natural science and social science disciplines."
|
||||
The history of geography as a discipline spans cultures and millennia, having been independently developed by multiple groups and cross-pollinated through trade between them. Geography as a discipline dates back to the earliest attempts to understand the world spatially, with the earliest example of an attempted world map dating to the 9th century BC in ancient Babylon. Origins of many of the concepts in geography can be traced to Greek Eratosthenes of Cyrene, who may have coined the term "geographia" (c. 276 BC – c. 195/194 BC). The first recorded use of the word γεωγραφία was as the title of a book by Greek scholar Claudius Ptolemy (100 – 170 AD). During the Middle Ages, geography was influenced by Islamic scholars, such as Muhammad al-Idrisi, producing detailed maps of the world. The Age of Discovery was influential in the development of geography, as European explorers mapped the New World. Modern developments include geomatics and geographic information science.
|
||||
The core concepts of geography that are consistent across all approaches are space, place, time, and scale. Today, geography is an extremely broad discipline with multiple approaches and modalities. The main branches of geography are physical geography, human geography, and technical geography. Physical geography focuses on the natural environment, human geography on how humans interact with the Earth, and technical geography on developing tools for understanding geography. Techniques employed can generally be broken down into quantitative and qualitative approaches, with many studies taking mixed-methods approaches. Common techniques include cartography, remote sensing, interviews, and surveying.
|
||||
|
||||
== Fundamentals ==
|
||||
Geography is a systematic study of the Earth (other celestial bodies are specified, such as "geography of Mars", or given another name, such as areography in the case of Mars, or selenography in the case of the Moon, or planetography for the general case), its features, and phenomena that take place on it. For something to fall into the domain of geography, it generally needs some spatial component that can be placed on a map, such as coordinates, place names, or addresses. This has led to geography being associated with cartography and place names. Although many geographers are trained in toponymy and cartology, this is not their main preoccupation. Geographers study the Earth's spatial and temporal distribution of phenomena, processes, and features as well as the interaction of humans and their environment. Because space and place affect a variety of topics, such as economics, health, climate, plants, and animals, geography is highly interdisciplinary. The interdisciplinary nature of the geographical approach depends on attentiveness to the relationships among physical and human phenomena and their spatial patterns.While narrowing down geography to a few key concepts is extremely challenging and subject to tremendous debate within the discipline, several sources have approached the topic. The 1st edition of the book "Key Concepts in Geography" broke down this into chapters focusing on "Space," "Place," "Time," "Scale," and "Landscape." The 2nd edition of the book expanded on these key concepts by adding "Environmental systems," "Social Systems," "Nature," "Globalization," "Development," and "Risk," demonstrating how challenging narrowing the field can be. Another approach used extensively in teaching geography is the Five themes of geography established by "Guidelines for Geographic Education: Elementary and Secondary Schools," published jointly by the National Council for Geographic Education and the Association of American Geographers in 1984. These themes are Location, place, relationships within places (often summarized as Human-Environment Interaction), movement, and regions. The five themes of geography have shaped how American education approaches the topic in the years since.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Space ===
|
||||
|
||||
Just as all phenomena exist in time and thus have a history, they also exist in space and have a geography.
|
||||
For something to exist in the realm of geography, it must be able to be described spatially. Thus, space is the most fundamental concept at the foundation of geography. The concept is so basic, that geographers often have difficulty defining exactly what it is. Absolute space is the exact site, or spatial coordinates, of objects, persons, places, or phenomena under investigation. We exist in space. Absolute space leads to the view of the world as a photograph, with everything frozen in place when the coordinates were recorded. Today, geographers are trained to recognize the world as a dynamic space where all processes interact, rather than as a static image on a map.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Place ===
|
||||
40
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|
||||
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|
||||
title: "Geography"
|
||||
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|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
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|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:52.593175+00:00"
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Place is one of the most complex and important terms in geography. In human geography, place is the synthesis of the coordinates on the Earth's surface, the activity and use that occurs, has occurred, and will occur at the coordinates, and the meaning ascribed to the space by human individuals and groups. This can be extraordinarily complex, as different spaces may have different uses at different times and mean different things to different people. In physical geography, a place encompasses all the physical phenomena occurring in space, including the lithosphere, atmosphere, hydrosphere, and biosphere. Places do not exist in a vacuum and instead have complex spatial relationships with each other, and place is concerned how a location is situated in relation to all other locations. As a discipline then, the term place in geography includes all spatial phenomena occurring at a location, the diverse uses and meanings humans ascribe to that location, and how that location impacts and is impacted by all other locations on Earth. In one of Yi-Fu Tuan's papers, he explains that in his view, geography is the study of Earth as a home for humanity, and thus place and the complex meaning behind the term are central to the discipline of geography.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Time ===
|
||||
|
||||
Time is usually considered within the domain of history; however, it is a significant concern in geography. In physics, space and time are not separated, and are combined into the concept of spacetime.
|
||||
Geography is subject to the laws of physics, and when studying phenomena in space, time must be taken into account. Time in geography is more than just the historical record of events at discrete coordinates; it also includes modeling the dynamic movement of people, organisms, and things through space. Time facilitates movement through space, ultimately allowing things to flow through a system. The amount of time an individual, or group of people, spends in a place will often shape their attachment and perspective to that place. Time constrains the possible paths that can be taken through space, given a starting point, possible routes, and rate of travel. Visualizing time over space is challenging in terms of cartography, and includes Space-Prism, advanced 3D geovisualizations, and animated maps.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Scale ===
|
||||
|
||||
Scale in the context of a map is the ratio between a distance measured on the map and the corresponding distance as measured on the ground. This concept is fundamental to the discipline of geography, not just cartography, in that phenomena being investigated appear different depending on the scale used. Scale is the frame that geographers use to measure space, and ultimately to understand a place.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Laws of geography ===
|
||||
|
||||
During the quantitative revolution, geography shifted to an empirical law-making (nomothetic) approach. Several laws of geography have been proposed since then, most notably by Waldo Tobler and can be viewed as a product of the quantitative revolution. In general, some dispute the entire concept of laws in geography and the social sciences. These criticisms have been addressed by Tobler and others, such as Michael Frank Goodchild. However, this is an ongoing source of debate in geography and is unlikely to be resolved anytime soon. Several laws have been proposed, and Tobler's first law of geography is the most generally accepted in geography. Some have argued that geographic laws do not need to be numbered. The existence of a first invites a second, and many have proposed themselves as that. It has also been proposed that Tobler's first law of geography should be moved to the second and replaced with another. A few of the proposed laws of geography are below:
|
||||
|
||||
Tobler's first law of geography: "Everything is related to everything else, but near things are more related than distant."
|
||||
Tobler's second law of geography: "The phenomenon external to a geographic area of interest affects what goes on inside."
|
||||
Arbia's law of geography: "Everything is related to everything else, but things observed at a coarse spatial resolution are more related than things observed at a finer resolution."
|
||||
Spatial heterogeneity: Geographic variables exhibit uncontrolled variance.
|
||||
The uncertainty principle: "That the geographic world is infinitely complex and that any representation must therefore contain elements of uncertainty, that many definitions used in acquiring geographic data contain elements of vagueness, and that it is impossible to measure location on the Earth's surface exactly."
|
||||
Additionally, several variations or amendments to these laws have been proposed in the literature, though they are less well supported. For example, one paper proposed an amended version of Tobler's first law of geography, referred to in the text as the Tobler–von Thünen law, which states: "Everything is related to everything else, but near things are more related than distant things, as a consequence of accessibility."
|
||||
|
||||
== Sub-disciplines ==
|
||||
Geography is a branch of inquiry that focuses on spatial information on Earth. It is an extremely broad topic and can be broken down in multiple ways. There have been several approaches to doing this spanning at least several centuries, including "four traditions of geography" and into distinct branches. The Four traditions of geography are often used to divide the different historical approach theories geographers have taken to the discipline. In contrast, geography's branches describe contemporary applied geographical approaches.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Four traditions ===
|
||||
|
||||
Geography is an extremely broad field. Because of this, many view the various definitions of geography proposed over the decades as inadequate. To address this, William D. Pattison proposed the concept of the "Four traditions of Geography" in 1964. These traditions are the Spatial or Locational Tradition, the Man-Land or Human-Environment Interaction Tradition (sometimes referred to as Integrated geography), the Area Studies or Regional Tradition, and the Earth Science Tradition. These concepts are broad sets of geography philosophies bound together within the discipline. They are one of many ways in which geographers organize the major sets of thought and philosophy within the discipline.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Branches ===
|
||||
40
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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||||
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|
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date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:52.593175+00:00"
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||||
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||||
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|
||||
|
||||
In another approach to the abovementioned four traditions, geography is organized into applied branches. The UNESCO Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems organizes geography into the three categories of human geography, physical geography, and technical geography. Some publications limit the number of branches to physical and human, describing them as the principal branches. Human geography largely focuses on the built environment and how humans create, view, manage, and influence space. Physical geography examines the natural environment and how organisms, climate, soil, water, and landforms produce and interact, studying spatial patterns in the natural environment, atmosphere, hydrosphere, biosphere, and geosphere. The difference between these approaches led to the development of integrated geography, which combines physical and human geography and concerns the interactions between the environment and humans. Technical geography involves studying and developing the tools and techniques used by geographers, such as remote sensing, cartography, and geographic information system. It is the newest of the branches, and often other terms are used in the literature to describe the emerging category. While human and physical geographers use the techniques employed by technical geographers, technical geography is more concerned with the fundamental spatial concepts and technologies than with the nature of the data. It is therefore closely associated with the spatial tradition of geography while being applied to the other two major branches. These branches use similar geographic philosophies, concepts, and tools, and often overlap significantly, so geographers rarely focus on just one topic; they often use one as their primary focus and then incorporate data and methods from the other branches. Often, geographers are asked to describe what they do by individuals outside the discipline and are likely to identify closely with a specific branch, or sub-branch, when describing themselves to lay people.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Physical ====
|
||||
|
||||
Physical geography (or physiography) focuses on geography as an Earth science. It aims to understand the physical problems and the issues of lithosphere, hydrosphere, atmosphere, pedosphere, and global flora and fauna patterns (biosphere). Physical geography is the study of earth's seasons, climate, atmosphere, soil, streams, landforms, and oceans. Physical geographers will often work in identifying and monitoring the use of natural resources.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Human ====
|
||||
|
||||
Human geography (or anthropogeography) is a branch of geography that studies the patterns and processes that shape human society. It encompasses the human, political, cultural, social, and economic aspects. In industry, human geographers often work in city planning, public health, or business analysis. Various approaches to the study of human geography have also arisen through time and include behavioral geography, culture theory, feminist geography, and geosophy. Human geographers study people and their communities, cultures, economies, and environmental interactions by studying their relations with and across space and place.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Technical ====
|
||||
|
||||
Technical geography involves studying and developing tools, techniques, and statistical methods for collecting, analysing, using, and understanding spatial data. Technical geography is the most recently recognized, and controversial, of the branches. Its use dates back to 1749, when a book published by Edward Cave organized the discipline into a section containing content such as cartographic techniques and globes. There are several other terms, often used interchangeably with technical geography to subdivide the discipline, including "techniques of geographic analysis," "Geographic Information Technology," "Geography method's and techniques," "Geographic Information Science," "geoinformatics," "geomatics," and "information geography". There are subtle differences between each concept and term; however, technical geography is one of the broadest, consistent with the naming convention of the other two branches, has been in use since the 1700s, and has been used by the UNESCO Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems to divide geography into themes. As academic fields increasingly specialize in their nature, technical geography has emerged as a branch of geography specializing in geographic methods and thought. The emergence of technical geography has brought new relevance to the broad discipline of geography by serving as a set of unique methods for managing the interdisciplinary nature of the phenomena under investigation. A technical geographer might work as a GIS analyst, a GIS developer creating new software tools, or a cartographer creating general reference maps incorporating human and natural features.
|
||||
|
||||
== Methods ==
|
||||
|
||||
All geographic research and analysis start with asking the question "where," followed by "why there." Geographers start with the fundamental assumption outlined in Tobler's first law of geography, that "everything is related to everything else, but near things are more related than distant things."
|
||||
As spatial interrelationships are key to this synoptic science, maps are a key tool. Classical cartography has been joined by a more modern approach to geographical analysis, computer-based geographic information systems (GIS).
|
||||
In their study, geographers use four interrelated approaches:
|
||||
|
||||
Analytical – Asks why we find features and populations in a specific geographic area.
|
||||
Descriptive – Specifies the locations of features and populations.
|
||||
Regional – Examines systematic relationships between categories for a specific region or location on the planet.
|
||||
Systematic – Groups geographical knowledge into categories that can be explored globally.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Quantitative methods ===
|
||||
|
||||
Quantitative methods in geography became particularly influential in the discipline during the quantitative revolution of the 1950s and 60s. These methods revitalized the discipline in many ways, allowing scientific testing of hypotheses and proposing scientific geographic theories and laws. The quantitative revolution heavily influenced and revitalized technical geography, and lead to the development of the subfield of quantitative geography.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Quantitative cartography ====
|
||||
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date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:52.593175+00:00"
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instance: "kb-cron"
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---
|
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|
||||
Cartography is the art, science, and technology of making maps. Cartographers study the Earth's surface representation with abstract symbols (map making). Although other subdisciplines of geography rely on maps to present their analyses, the actual making of maps is sufficiently abstract to be regarded as a separate activity. Cartography has grown from a collection of drafting techniques into an actual science.
|
||||
Cartographers must learn cognitive psychology and ergonomics to understand which symbols convey information about the Earth most effectively, and behavioural psychology to induce readers of their maps to act on that information. They must learn geodesy and fairly advanced mathematics to understand how the shape of the Earth affects the distortion of map symbols projected onto a flat surface for viewing. It can be said, without much controversy, that cartography is the seed from which the larger field of geography grew.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Geographic information systems ====
|
||||
|
||||
Geographic information systems (GIS) store information about the Earth for accurate, automated retrieval by a computer, appropriate to the information's purpose. In addition to all of the other subdisciplines of geography, GIS specialists must understand computer science and database systems. GIS has revolutionized the field of cartography: nearly all mapmaking is now done with the assistance of some form of GIS software. The science of using GIS software and GIS techniques to represent, analyse, and predict the spatial relationships is called geographic information science (GISc).
|
||||
|
||||
==== Remote sensing ====
|
||||
|
||||
Remote sensing is the art, science, and technology of obtaining information about Earth's features from measurements made at a distance. Remotely sensed data can be either passive, such as traditional photography, or active, such as LiDAR. A variety of platforms can be used for remote sensing, including satellite imagery, aerial photography (including consumer drones), and data obtained from hand-held sensors. Products from remote sensing include Digital elevation model and cartographic base maps. Geographers increasingly use remotely sensed data to obtain information about the Earth's land surface, ocean, and atmosphere, because it: (a) supplies objective information at a variety of spatial scales (local to global), (b) provides a synoptic view of the area of interest, (c) allows access to distant and inaccessible sites, (d) provides spectral information outside the visible portion of the electromagnetic spectrum, and (e) facilitates studies of how features/areas change over time. Remotely sensed data may be analyzed independently or in conjunction with other digital data layers (e.g., in a geographic information system). Remote sensing aids in land use and land cover (LULC) mapping by helping determine what is naturally occurring on a piece of land and what human activities are taking place there.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Geostatistics ====
|
||||
|
||||
Geostatistics deals with quantitative data analysis, specifically the application of a statistical methodology to the exploration of geographic phenomena. Geostatistics is used extensively in a variety of fields, including hydrology, geology, petroleum exploration, weather analysis, urban planning, logistics, and epidemiology. The mathematical basis for geostatistics derives from cluster analysis, linear discriminant analysis, and non-parametric statistical tests, and a variety of other subjects. Applications of geostatistics rely heavily on geographic information systems, particularly for the interpolation (estimate) of unmeasured points. Geographers are making notable contributions to quantitative methods.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Qualitative methods ===
|
||||
|
||||
Qualitative methods in geography are descriptive rather than numerical or statistical in nature. They add context to concepts, and explore human concepts like beliefs and perspective that are difficult or impossible to quantify. Human geography is much more likely to employ qualitative methods than physical geography. Increasingly, technical geographers are attempting to employ GIS methods on qualitative datasets.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Qualitative cartography ====
|
||||
|
||||
Qualitative cartography employs many of the same software and techniques as quantitative cartography. It may be employed to inform on map practices, or to visualize perspectives and ideas that are not strictly quantitative in nature. An example of a form of qualitative cartography is a Chorochromatic map of nominal data, such as land cover or dominant language group in an area. Another example is a deep map, or maps that combine geography and storytelling to produce a product with greater information than a two-dimensional image of places, names, and topography. This approach offers more inclusive strategies than more traditional cartographic approaches for connecting the complex layers that makeup places.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Ethnography ====
|
||||
|
||||
Human geographers use ethnographic research techniques. In cultural geography, there is a tradition of employing qualitative research techniques, also used in anthropology and sociology. Participant observation and in-depth interviews provide human geographers with qualitative data.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Geopoetics ====
|
||||
|
||||
Geopoetics is an interdisciplinary approach that combines geography and poetry to explore the interconnectedness between humans, space, place, and the environment. Geopoetics is employed as a mixed methods tool to explain the implications of geographic research. It is often employed to address and communicate the implications of complex topics, such as the anthropocene.
|
||||
|
||||
==== Interviews ====
|
||||
|
||||
Geographers employ interviews to gather data and acquire valuable understandings from individuals or groups regarding their encounters, outlooks, and opinions concerning spatial phenomena. Interviews can be carried out through various mediums, including face-to-face interactions, phone conversations, online platforms, or written exchanges. Geographers typically adopt a structured or semi-structured approach during interviews involving specific questions or discussion points when utilized for research purposes. These questions are designed to extract focused information about the research topic while being flexible enough to allow participants to express their experiences and viewpoints, such as through open-ended questions.
|
||||
|
||||
== Origin and history ==
|
||||
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title: "Geography"
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chunk: 5/6
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography"
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category: "reference"
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
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date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:52.593175+00:00"
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instance: "kb-cron"
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---
|
||||
|
||||
The concept of geography is present in all cultures; therefore, the history of the discipline is a series of competing narratives, with concepts emerging at various points across space and time. The oldest known world maps date back to ancient Babylon from the 9th century BC. The best known Babylonian world map, however, is the Imago Mundi of 600 BC. The map as reconstructed by Eckhard Unger shows Babylon on the Euphrates, surrounded by a circular landmass showing Assyria, Urartu, and several cities, in turn surrounded by a "bitter river" (Oceanus), with seven islands arranged around it so as to form a seven-pointed star. The accompanying text mentions seven outer regions beyond the encircling ocean. The descriptions of five of them have survived. In contrast to the Imago Mundi, an earlier Babylonian world map dating back to the 9th century BC depicted Babylon as being further north from the center of the world, though it is not certain what that center was supposed to represent.
|
||||
|
||||
The ideas of Anaximander (c. 610–545 BC): considered by later Greek writers to be the true founder of geography, come to us through fragments quoted by his successors. Anaximander is credited with the invention of the gnomon, the simple, yet efficient Greek instrument that allowed the early measurement of latitude. Thales is also credited with the prediction of eclipses. The foundations of geography can be traced to ancient, medieval, and early modern Chinese cultures. The Greeks, who were the first to explore geography as both art and science, achieved this through Cartography, Philosophy, and Literature, or through Mathematics. There is some debate about who first asserted that the Earth is spherical, with the credit going either to Parmenides or Pythagoras. Anaxagoras was able to demonstrate that the profile of the Earth was circular by explaining eclipses. However, he still believed that the Earth was a flat disk, as did many of his contemporaries. One of the first estimates of the radius of the Earth was made by Eratosthenes.
|
||||
The first rigorous system of latitude and longitude lines is credited to Hipparchus. He employed a sexagesimal system that was derived from Babylonian mathematics. The meridians were subdivided into 360°, with each degree further subdivided into 60 (minutes). To measure longitude at different locations on Earth, he suggested using eclipses to determine the time difference between them. The extensive mapping by the Romans as they explored new lands would later provide a high level of information for Ptolemy to construct detailed atlases. He extended the work of Hipparchus, using a grid system on his maps and adopting a degree length of 56.5 miles.
|
||||
From the 3rd century onwards, Chinese methods of geographical study and the writing of geographical literature became much more comprehensive than those found in Europe at the time (until the 13th century). Chinese geographers such as Liu An, Pei Xiu, Jia Dan, Shen Kuo, Fan Chengda, Zhou Daguan, and Xu Xiake wrote important treatises, yet by the 17th century advanced ideas and methods of Western-style geography were adopted in China.
|
||||
|
||||
During the Middle Ages, the fall of the Roman empire led to a shift in the evolution of geography from Europe to the Islamic world. Muslim geographers such as Muhammad al-Idrisi produced detailed world maps (such as Tabula Rogeriana). Other geographers such as Yaqut al-Hamawi, Abu Rayhan Biruni, Ibn Battuta, and Ibn Khaldun provided detailed accounts of their journeys and the geography of the regions they visited. Turkish geographer Mahmud al-Kashgari drew a world map on a linguistic basis, and later so did Piri Reis (Piri Reis map). Further, Islamic scholars translated and interpreted the earlier works of the Romans and the Greeks and established the House of Wisdom in Baghdad for this purpose. Abū Zayd al-Balkhī, originally from Balkh, founded the "Balkhī school" of terrestrial mapping in Baghdad. Suhrāb, a late tenth century Muslim geographer accompanied a book of geographical coordinates, with instructions for making a rectangular world map with equirectangular projection or cylindrical equidistant projection.
|
||||
Abu Rayhan Biruni (976–1048) first described a polar equi-azimuthal equidistant projection of the celestial sphere. He was regarded as the most skilled when it came to mapping cities and measuring the distances between them, which he did for many cities in the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent. He often combined astronomical readings and mathematical equations to develop methods of pinpointing locations by recording degrees of latitude and longitude. He also developed similar techniques for measuring the heights of mountains, the depths of the valleys, and the expanse of the horizon. He also discussed human geography and the planetary habitability of the Earth. He also calculated the latitude of Kath, Khwarezm, using the maximum altitude of the Sun, and solved a complex geodesic equation to accurately compute the Earth's circumference, which was close to modern values of the Earth's circumference. His estimate of 6,339.9 km for the Earth radius was only 16.8 km less than the modern value of 6,356.7 km. In contrast to his predecessors, who measured the Earth's circumference by sighting the Sun simultaneously from two different locations, al-Biruni developed a new method of using trigonometric calculations based on the angle between a plain and mountain top, which yielded more accurate measurements of the Earth's circumference, and made it possible for it to be measured by a single person from a single location.
|
||||
39
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|
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---
|
||||
title: "Geography"
|
||||
chunk: 6/6
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:57:52.593175+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The European Age of Discovery during the 16th and 17th centuries, where many new lands were discovered, and accounts by European explorers such as Christopher Columbus, Marco Polo, and James Cook revived a desire for both accurate geographic detail and more solid theoretical foundations in Europe. In 1650, the first edition of the Geographia Generalis was published by Bernhardus Varenius, which was later edited and republished by others, including Isaac Newton. This textbook sought to integrate new scientific discoveries and principles into classical geography and approach the discipline like the other sciences emerging, and is seen by some as the division between ancient and modern geography in the West.
|
||||
The Geographia Generalis contained both theoretical background and practical applications related to ship navigation. The remaining problem facing both explorers and geographers was finding the latitude and longitude of a geographic location. While the problem of latitude was solved long ago, the problem of longitude remained; agreeing on which meridian should be zero was only part of the problem. It was left to John Harrison to solve it by inventing the chronometer H-4 in 1760, and later in 1884 for the International Meridian Conference to adopt by convention the Greenwich meridian as zero meridians.
|
||||
The 18th and 19th centuries were the periods when geography was recognized as a distinct academic discipline. They became part of a typical university curriculum in Europe (especially Paris and Berlin). The development of many geographic societies also occurred during the 19th century, with the foundations of the Société de Géographie in 1821, the Royal Geographical Society in 1830, Russian Geographical Society in 1845, American Geographical Society in 1851, the Royal Danish Geographical Society in 1876 and the National Geographic Society in 1888. The influence of Immanuel Kant, Alexander von Humboldt, Carl Ritter, and Paul Vidal de la Blache can be seen as a major turning point in geography from philosophy to an academic subject. Geographers such as Richard Hartshorne and Joseph Kerski have regarded both Humboldt and Ritter as the founders of modern geography, as Humboldt and Ritter were the first to establish geography as an independent scientific discipline.
|
||||
|
||||
Over the past two centuries, advancements in computer technology have led to the development of geomatics and to the incorporation of new practices, such as participant observation and geostatistics, into geography's portfolio of tools. In the West during the 20th century, the discipline of geography went through four major phases: environmental determinism, regional geography, the quantitative revolution, and critical geography. The strong interdisciplinary links between geography and the sciences of geology and botany, as well as economics, sociology, and demographics, have also grown greatly, especially as a result of earth system science that seeks to understand the world in a holistic view. New concepts and philosophies have emerged from the rapid advances in computing, quantitative methods, and interdisciplinary approaches. The 1962 book Theoretical Geography by William Bunge, which argued for a nomothetic approach to geography and that from a purely spatial perspective there was no real difference between human and physical geography, has been described by Kevin R. Cox as "perhaps the seminal text of the spatial-quantitative revolution." In 1970, Waldo Tobler proposed the first law of geography, "everything is related to everything else, but near things are more related than distant things." This law summarizes the first assumption geographers make about the world.
|
||||
|
||||
== Related fields ==
|
||||
|
||||
=== Geology ===
|
||||
|
||||
The disciplines of geography, especially physical geography, and geology have a significant overlap. In the past, the two have often shared academic departments at universities, a point that has led to conflict over resources. Both disciplines do seek to understand the rocks on the Earth's surface and the processes that change them over time. Geology employs many of the tools and techniques of technical geographers, such as GIS and remote sensing to aid in geological mapping. However, geology includes research that goes beyond the spatial component, such as the chemical analysis of rocks and biogeochemistry.
|
||||
|
||||
=== History ===
|
||||
|
||||
The discipline of history has a significant overlap with geography, especially human geography. Like geology, history and geography have shared university departments. Geography provides the spatial context within which historical events unfold. The physical geographic features of a region, such as its landforms, climate, and resources, shape human settlements, trade routes, and economic activities, which in turn influence the course of historical events. Thus, a historian must have a strong foundation in geography. Historians employ the techniques of technical geographers to create historical atlases and maps.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Planetary science ===
|
||||
|
||||
While the discipline of geography is normally concerned with the Earth, the term can also be informally used to describe the study of other worlds, such as the planets of the Solar System and even beyond. The study of systems larger than the Earth itself usually forms part of Astronomy or Cosmology, while the study of other planets is usually called planetary science. Alternative terms such as areography (geography of Mars) have been employed to describe the study of other celestial objects. Ultimately, geography may be considered a subdiscipline within planetary science, and planetary science links geography with fields like astronomy and physics.
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
|
||||
== Notes ==
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
|
||||
Geography at the Encyclopaedia Britannica website
|
||||
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Reference in New Issue
Block a user