# kb

id: starson-v-swayze-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Starson_v_Swayze-0.md
category: reference
title: Starson v Swayze
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Starson_v_Swayze
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:40.111744+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: starson-v-swayze-20260505-0
summary:
Starson v Swayze, 2003 SCC 32, [2003] 1 S.C.R. 722 was an important case at the Supreme Court of Canada that considered the legal requirements for determining if a person is capable of making decisions regarding their medical treatment. On December 24, 1998, Dr. Ian Gary Swayze declared Professor Starson (a.k.a. Scott Jeffery Schutzman) incapable of consenting to proposed psychiatric treatment and should therefore be involuntarily medicated as directed. Starson applied to a legal body known as the Consent and Capacity Board for a review of this decision. On June 6, 2003, the Supreme Court of Canada published its decision in the case. In a 6 to 3 decision, the majority held that Starson had the right to refuse medication. == Background == Scott Jeffery Schutzman, who changed his name to Starson and preferred to be called "Professor", obtained an electrical engineering degree and held a strong interest in physics (although it was not his profession). He was diagnosed with bipolar disorder. He appreciated that he was not 'normal' and that he had problems dealing with people. He acknowledged that he had mental health issues, but he refused to accept his condition as an illness. He also refused to consent


id: titicut-follies-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titicut_Follies-0.md
category: reference
title: Titicut Follies
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titicut_Follies
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:41.305116+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: titicut-follies-20260505-0
summary:
Titicut Follies is a 1967 American direct cinema documentary film produced, written, and directed by Frederick Wiseman and filmed by John Marshall. It deals with the patient-inmates of Bridgewater State Hospital for the Criminally Insane, a Massachusetts Correctional Institution in Bridgewater, Massachusetts. The title is taken from that of a talent show put on by the hospital staff. Titicut is the Wampanoag name for the nearby Taunton River. The film won accolades in Germany and Italy. Wiseman went on to produce many more such films examining social institutions (e.g. hospitals, police, schools, etc.) in the United States. In 2022, the film was selected for preservation in the United States National Film Registry by the Library of Congress as being "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant". == Synopsis == Titicut Follies portrays the occupants of Bridgewater State Hospital, who were often kept in barren cells and infrequently bathed. It also depicts inmates/patients required to strip naked publicly, force feeding, and the indifference and bullying by many of the hospital's staff. The film employs methods of direct cinema, which emphasizes observation, limited stylization, and non-intervention by filmmakers. == Production == === Development === Titicut Follies was the beginning of the documentary career of


id: titicut-follies-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titicut_Follies-1.md
category: reference
title: Titicut Follies
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titicut_Follies
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:41.305116+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: titicut-follies-20260505-0
summary:
=== Censorship === Just before the film was to be shown at the 1967 New York Film Festival, the Massachusetts government tried to procure an injunction banning its release, claiming that the film violated the patients' privacy and dignity. Despite Wiseman having received permission from all the people portrayed or that of the hospital superintendent (the inmates' legal guardian), Massachusetts claimed that this permission could not take the place of release forms from the inmates. Wiseman was also accused of breaching an "oral contract", giving the state government editorial control over the film. A New York state court allowed the screening, but in 1968, Massachusetts Superior Court judge Harry Kalus ordered the film to be recalled from distribution and all copies destroyed, once more citing the state's concerns about violations of the patients' privacy and dignity. Wiseman appealed to the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, which in 1969 allowed it to be shown only to doctors, lawyers, judges, health-care professionals, social workers, and students in these and related fields. Wiseman appealed to the United States Supreme Court, which refused to hear the case. Wiseman believes that the government of Massachusetts (concerned that the film portrayed a state institution in a bad


id: trauma-model-of-mental-disorders-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trauma_model_of_mental_disorders-0.md
category: reference
title: Trauma model of mental disorders
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trauma_model_of_mental_disorders
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:42.460921+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: trauma-model-of-mental-disorders-20260505-0
summary:
The trauma model of mental disorders, or trauma model of psychopathology, emphasises the effects of physical, sexual and psychological trauma as key causal factors in the development of psychiatric disorders, including depression and anxiety as well as psychosis, whether the trauma is experienced in childhood or adulthood. It conceptualises people as having understandable reactions to traumatic events rather than suffering from mental illness. Trauma models emphasise that traumatic experiences are more common and more significant in terms of aetiology than has often been thought in people diagnosed with mental disorders. Such models have their roots in some psychoanalytic approaches, notably Sigmund Freud's early ideas on childhood sexual abuse and hysteria, Pierre Janet's work on dissociation, and John Bowlby's attachment theory. There is significant research supporting the linkage between early experiences of chronic maltreatment and severe neglect and later psychological problems. In the 1960s, trauma models became associated with humanist and anti-psychiatry approaches, particularly regarding understanding schizophrenia and the role of the family. Personality disorders have also been a focus, particularly borderline personality disorder, with the role of dissociation and 'freezing responses' (more extreme reactions than fight-flight when someone is terrified and traumatised) thought to have a significant role in the


id: trauma-model-of-mental-disorders-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trauma_model_of_mental_disorders-1.md
category: reference
title: Trauma model of mental disorders
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trauma_model_of_mental_disorders
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:42.460921+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: trauma-model-of-mental-disorders-20260505-0
summary:
== Recent approaches == A 2005 meta-analysis of schizophrenia revealed that the prevalence of physical and sexual abuse in the histories of people diagnosed with psychotic disorders is very high and has been understudied. This literature review revealed prevalence rates of childhood sexual abuse in studies of people diagnosed with schizophrenia ranging from 45% to 65%. An analysis of the American National Comorbidity Study revealed that people who have endured three kinds of abuse (e.g., sexual, physical, and bullying) are at an 18-fold higher risk of psychosis. In contrast, those experiencing five types are 193 times more likely to become psychotic. A 2012 review article supported the hypothesis that current or recent trauma may affect an individual's assessment of the more distant past, changing the experience of the past and resulting in dissociative states. Several reviews of risk factors for common mental disorders have emphasised trauma. Such research has rejuvenated interest in this field, from clinicians, researchers and service user organisations such as the Hearing Voices Movement. Psychiatrist Colin Ross calls his model the "trauma model of mental disorders" and emphasises that, unlike biological models, this addresses the literature on comorbidity of trauma with mental disorders. Ross describes the theoretical


id: world-network-of-users-and-survivors-of-psychiatry-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Network_of_Users_and_Survivors_of_Psychiatry-0.md
category: reference
title: World Network of Users and Survivors of Psychiatry
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Network_of_Users_and_Survivors_of_Psychiatry
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:43.646749+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: world-network-of-users-and-survivors-of-psychiatry-20260505-0
summary:
The World Network of Users and Survivors of Psychiatry (WNUSP) is an international organisation representing, and led by what it terms "survivors of psychiatry". As of 2003, over 70 national organizations were members of WNUSP, based in 30 countries. The network seeks to protect and develop the human rights, disability rights, dignity and self-determination of those labeled 'mentally ill'. == Activities == WNUSP has special consultative status with the United Nations. It contributed to the development of the UN's Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. WNUSP has produced a manual to help people use it entitled "Implementation Manual for the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities", edited by Myra Kovary. WNUSP joined with other organizations to create the International Disability Caucus, which jointly represented organizations of people with disabilities and allies during the CRPD negotiations. WNUSP was part of the steering committee of the IDC, which maintained a principle of respecting the leadership of diverse constituencies on issues affecting them, and also maintained that the convention should be of equal value to all persons with disabilities irrespective of the type of disability or geographical location. Tina Minkowitz, WNUSP's representative on the IDC steering committee,


id: intelligent-design-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-0.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
Intelligent design (ID) is a pseudoscientific argument for the existence of God, presented by its proponents as "an evidence-based scientific theory about life's origins". The leading proponents of ID are associated with the Discovery Institute, a Christian, politically conservative think tank based in the United States. ID is a form of creationism that lacks empirical support and offers no testable or tenable hypotheses, and is therefore not science. Although the phrase intelligent design had featured previously in theological discussions of the argument from design, its first publication in its present use as an alternative term for creationism was in Of Pandas and People, a 1989 creationist textbook intended for high school biology classes. In 1987, the Edwards v. Aguillard United States Supreme Court decision ruled that "creation science" is not science, and therefore a violation of the Establishment Clause if taught in public school biology classes. After the decision, all mentions of the term "creation science" in the textbook were directly replaced by "intelligent design", and mentions of the term "creation scientists" were replaced by "design proponents". From the mid-1990s onward, the intelligent design movement (IDM), supported by the Discovery Institute, advocated for the inclusion of intelligent design in public


id: intelligent-design-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-1.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
In 1910, evolution was not a topic of major religious controversy in America, but in the 1920s, the fundamentalist–modernist controversy in theology resulted in fundamentalist Christian opposition to teaching evolution and resulted in the origins of modern creationism. As a result, teaching of evolution was effectively suspended in US public schools until the 1960s, and when evolution was then reintroduced into the curriculum, there was a series of court cases in which attempts were made to get creationism taught alongside evolution in science classes. Young Earth creationists (YECs) promoted creation science as "an alternative scientific explanation of the world in which we live". This frequently invoked the argument from design to explain complexity in nature as supposedly demonstrating the existence of God. The argument from design, also known as the teleological argument or "argument from intelligent design", has been presented by theologians for centuries. Thomas Aquinas presented ID in his fifth proof of God's existence as a syllogism. In 1802, William Paley's Natural Theology presented examples of intricate purpose in organisms. His version of the watchmaker analogy argued that a watch has evidently been designed by a craftsman and that it is just as evident that the complexity and adaptation


id: intelligent-design-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-2.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
The most common modern use of the words "intelligent design" as a term intended to describe a field of inquiry began after the United States Supreme Court ruled in June 1987 in the case of Edwards v. Aguillard that it is unconstitutional for a state to require the teaching of creationism in public school science curricula. A Discovery Institute report says that Charles B. Thaxton, editor of Pandas, had picked the phrase up from a NASA scientist. In two successive 1987 drafts of the book, over one hundred uses of the root word "creation", such as "creationism" and "Creation Science", were changed, almost without exception, to "intelligent design", while "creationists" was changed to "design proponents" or, in one instance, "cdesign proponentsists" [sic]. In June 1988, Thaxton held a conference titled "Sources of Information Content in DNA" in Tacoma, Washington. Stephen C. Meyer was at the conference, and later recalled that "The term intelligent design came up..." In December 1988 Thaxton decided to use the label "intelligent design" for his new creationist movement. Of Pandas and People was published in 1989, and in addition to including all the current arguments for ID, was the first book to make systematic use of


id: intelligent-design-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-3.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
Dembski defines complex specified information (CSI) as anything with a less than 1 in 10150 chance of occurring by (natural) chance. Critics say that this renders the argument a tautology: complex specified information cannot occur naturally because Dembski has defined it thus, so the real question becomes whether or not CSI actually exists in nature. The conceptual soundness of Dembski's specified complexity/CSI argument has been discredited in the scientific and mathematical communities. Specified complexity has yet to be shown to have wide applications in other fields, as Dembski asserts. John Wilkins and Wesley R. Elsberry characterize Dembski's "explanatory filter" as eliminative because it eliminates explanations sequentially: first regularity, then chance, finally defaulting to design. They argue that this procedure is flawed as a model for scientific inference because the asymmetric way it treats the different possible explanations renders it prone to making false conclusions. Richard Dawkins, evolutionary biologist and religion critic, argues in The God Delusion (2006) that allowing for an intelligent designer to account for unlikely complexity only postpones the problem, as such a designer would need to be at least as complex. Other scientists have argued that evolution through selection is better able to explain the observed complexity,


id: intelligent-design-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-4.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
The contemporary intelligent design movement formulates its arguments in secular terms and intentionally avoids identifying the intelligent agent (or agents) they posit. Although they do not state that God is the designer, the designer is often implicitly hypothesized to have intervened in a way that only a god could intervene. Dembski, in The Design Inference (1998), speculates that an alien culture could fulfill these requirements. Of Pandas and People proposes that the search for extraterrestrial intelligence illustrates an appeal to intelligent design in science. In 2000, philosopher of science Robert T. Pennock suggested the Raëlian UFO religion as a real-life example of an extraterrestrial intelligent designer view that "make[s] many of the same bad arguments against evolutionary theory as creationists". Beyond the debate over whether intelligent design is scientific, a number of critics argue that existing evidence makes the design hypothesis appear unlikely, irrespective of its status in the world of science. For example, Jerry Coyne asks why a designer would "give us a pathway for making vitamin C, but then destroy it by disabling one of its enzymes" (see pseudogene) and why a designer would not "stock oceanic islands with reptiles, mammals, amphibians, and freshwater fish, despite the suitability


id: intelligent-design-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-5.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
The intelligent design movement is a direct outgrowth of the creationism of the 1980s. The scientific and academic communities, along with a US federal court, view intelligent design as either a form of creationism or as a direct descendant that is closely intertwined with traditional creationism; and several authors explicitly refer to it as "intelligent design creationism". The movement is headquartered in the Center for Science and Culture, established in 1996 as the creationist wing of the Discovery Institute to promote a religious agenda calling for broad social, academic and political changes. The Discovery Institute's intelligent design campaigns have been staged primarily in the United States, although efforts have been made in other countries to promote intelligent design. Leaders of the movement say intelligent design exposes the limitations of scientific orthodoxy and of the secular philosophy of naturalism. Intelligent design proponents allege that science should not be limited to naturalism and should not demand the adoption of a naturalistic philosophy that dismisses out-of-hand any explanation that includes a supernatural cause. The overall goal of the movement is to "reverse the stifling dominance of the materialist worldview" represented by the theory of evolution in favor of "a science consonant with Christian


id: intelligent-design-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-6.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
=== Reaction from other creationist groups === Not all creationist organizations have embraced the intelligent design movement. According to Thomas Dixon, "Religious leaders have come out against ID too. An open letter affirming the compatibility of Christian faith and the teaching of evolution, first produced in response to controversies in Wisconsin in 2004, has now been signed by over ten thousand clergy from different Christian denominations across America." Hugh Ross of Reasons to Believe, a proponent of Old Earth creationism, believes that the efforts of intelligent design proponents to divorce the concept from Biblical Christianity make its hypothesis too vague. In 2002, he wrote: "Winning the argument for design without identifying the designer yields, at best, a sketchy origins model. Such a model makes little if any positive impact on the community of scientists and other scholars. ... the time is right for a direct approach, a single leap into the origins fray. Introducing a biblically based, scientifically verifiable creation model represents such a leap." Likewise, two of the most prominent YEC organizations in the world have attempted to distinguish their views from those of the intelligent design movement. Henry M. Morris of the Institute for Creation Research (ICR) wrote,


id: intelligent-design-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-7.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
=== Polls === Several surveys were conducted prior to the December 2005 decision in Kitzmiller v. Dover School District, which sought to determine the level of support for intelligent design among certain groups. According to a 2005 Harris poll, 10% of adults in the United States viewed human beings as "so complex that they required a powerful force or intelligent being to help create them." Although Zogby polls commissioned by the Discovery Institute show more support, these polls suffer from considerable flaws, such as having a low response rate (248 out of 16,000), being conducted on behalf of an organization with an expressed interest in the outcome of the poll, and containing leading questions. A series of Gallup polls in the United States from 1982 through 2014 on "Evolution, Creationism, Intelligent Design" found support for "human beings have developed over millions of years from less advanced forms of life, but God guided the process" of between 31% and 40%, support for "God created human beings in pretty much their present form at one time within the last 10,000 years or so" varied from 40% to 47%, and support for "human beings have developed over millions of years from less advanced


id: intelligent-design-20260505-8
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-8.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
Consistent Parsimonious (sparing in its proposed entities or explanations; see Occam's razor) Useful (describes and explains observed phenomena, and can be used in a predictive manner) Empirically testable and falsifiable (potentially confirmable or disprovable by experiment or observation) Based on multiple observations (often in the form of controlled, repeated experiments) Correctable and dynamic (modified in the light of observations that do not support it) Progressive (refines previous theories) Provisional or tentative (is open to experimental checking, and does not assert certainty) For any theory, hypothesis, or conjecture to be considered scientific, it must meet most, and ideally all, of these criteria. The fewer criteria are met, the less scientific it is; if it meets only a few or none at all, then it cannot be treated as scientific in any meaningful sense of the word. Advocates of intelligent design seek to keep God and the Bible out of the discussion, and present intelligent design in the language of science as though it were a scientific hypothesis; however, the failure to follow the procedures of scientific discourse and the failure to submit work to the scientific community that withstands scrutiny have weighed against intelligent design being accepted as valid science. Some


id: intelligent-design-20260505-9
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-9.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
=== Arguments from ignorance === Eugenie C. Scott, along with Glenn Branch and other critics, has argued that many points raised by intelligent design proponents are arguments from ignorance. In the argument from ignorance, a lack of evidence for one view is erroneously argued to constitute proof of the correctness of another view. Scott and Branch say that intelligent design is an argument from ignorance because it relies on a lack of knowledge for its conclusion: lacking a natural explanation for certain specific aspects of evolution, we assume intelligent cause. They contend most scientists would reply that the unexplained is not unexplainable, and that "we don't know yet" is a more appropriate response than invoking a cause outside science. Particularly, Michael Behe's demands for ever more detailed explanations of the historical evolution of molecular systems seem to assume a false dichotomy, where either evolution or design is the proper explanation, and any perceived failure of evolution becomes a victory for design. Scott and Branch also contend that the supposedly novel contributions proposed by intelligent design proponents have not served as the basis for any productive scientific research. Moreover, philosophical criticism of intelligent design has extended beyond traditional demarcation arguments that


id: intelligent-design-20260505-10
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-10.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
There is a gap in scientific knowledge. The gap is filled with acts of God (or intelligent designer) and therefore proves the existence of God (or intelligent designer). A God-of-the-gaps argument is the theological version of an argument from ignorance. A key feature of this type of argument is that it merely answers outstanding questions with explanations (often supernatural) that are unverifiable and ultimately themselves subject to unanswerable questions. Historians of science observe that the astronomy of the earliest civilizations, although astonishing and incorporating mathematical constructions far in excess of any practical value, proved to be misdirected and of little importance to the development of science because they failed to inquire more carefully into the mechanisms that drove the heavenly bodies across the sky. It was the Greek civilization that first practiced science, although not yet as a formally defined experimental science, but nevertheless an attempt to rationalize the world of natural experience without recourse to divine intervention. In this historically motivated definition of science any appeal to an intelligent creator is explicitly excluded for the paralysing effect it may have on scientific progress. == Legal challenges in the United States == === Kitzmiller trial === Kitzmiller v. Dover Area


id: intelligent-design-20260505-11
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-11.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
=== Anti-evolution legislation === Anti-evolution legislation, such as the Louisiana Science Education Act enacted in 2008, has been presented as supporting academic freedom and open discussion, while critics consider it a thinly disguised attempt at proselytization. In April 2010, the American Academy of Religion issued Guidelines for Teaching About Religion in K–12 Public Schools in the United States, which included guidance that creation science or intelligent design should not be taught in science classes, as "Creation science and intelligent design represent worldviews that fall outside of the realm of science that is defined as (and limited to) a method of inquiry based on gathering observable and measurable evidence subject to specific principles of reasoning." However, these worldviews as well as others "that focus on speculation regarding the origins of life represent another important and relevant form of human inquiry that is appropriately studied in literature or social sciences courses. Such study, however, must include a diversity of worldviews representing a variety of religious and philosophical perspectives and must avoid privileging one view as more legitimate than others." == Status outside the United States == === Europe === In June 2007, the Council of Europe's Committee on Culture, Science and Education


id: intelligent-design-20260505-12
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design-12.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:46.509580+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-20260505-0
summary:
=== Australia === The status of intelligent design in Australia is somewhat similar to that in the UK. In 2005, the Australian Minister for Education, Science and Training, Brendan Nelson, raised the notion of intelligent design being taught in science classes. The public outcry caused the minister to quickly concede that the correct forum for intelligent design, if it were to be taught, is in religion or philosophy classes. The Australian chapter of Campus Crusade for Christ distributed a DVD of the Discovery Institute's documentary Unlocking the Mystery of Life (2002) to Australian secondary schools. Tim Hawkes, the head of The King's School, one of Australia's leading private schools, supported use of the DVD in the classroom at the discretion of teachers and principals. === Relation to Islam === Muzaffar Iqbal, a notable Pakistani-Canadian Muslim, signed "A Scientific Dissent From Darwinism", a petition from the Discovery Institute. Ideas similar to intelligent design have been considered respected intellectual options among Muslims, and in Turkey many intelligent design books have been translated. In Istanbul in 2007, public meetings promoting intelligent design were sponsored by the local government, and David Berlinski of the Discovery Institute was the keynote speaker at a meeting in


id: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science-0.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design and science
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:47.753901+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-0
summary:
The relationship between intelligent design and science has been a contentious one. Intelligent design (ID) is presented by its proponents as science and claims to offer an alternative to evolution. The Discovery Institute, a politically conservative think tank and the leading proponent of intelligent design, launched a campaign entitled "Teach the Controversy", which claims that a controversy exists within the scientific community over evolution. The scientific community rejects intelligent design as a form of creationism, and the basic facts of evolution are not a matter of controversy in science. == "Teach the Controversy" == The intelligent design movement states that there is a debate among scientists about whether life evolved. The movement stresses the importance of recognizing the existence of this supposed debate, seeking to convince the public, politicians, and cultural leaders that schools should "Teach the Controversy". In fact, there is no such controversy in the scientific community; the scientific consensus is that life evolved. Intelligent design is widely viewed as a stalking horse for its proponents' campaign against what they say is the materialist foundation of science, which they argue leaves no room for the possibility of God. == Neo-creationism == Advocates of intelligent design from a Christian


id: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science-1.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design and science
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:47.753901+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-0
summary:
== Inter-faith outreach == Supporters of intelligent design have also reached out to other faith groups with similar accounts of creation with the hope that the broader coalition will have greater influence in supporting science education that does not contradict their religious views. Many religious bodies have responded by expressing support for evolution. The Roman Catholic Church has stated that religious faith is fully compatible with science, which is limited to dealing only with the natural world—a position described by the term theistic evolution. While some in the Roman Catholic Church reject Intelligent design for various philosophical and theological reasons, others, such as Christoph Schönborn, Archbishop of Vienna, have shown support for it. The arguments of intelligent design have been directly challenged by the over 10,000 clergy who signed the Clergy Letter Project. Prominent scientists who strongly express religious faith, such as the astronomer George Coyne and the biologist Ken Miller, have been at the forefront of opposition to intelligent design. While creationist organizations have welcomed intelligent design's support against naturalism, they have also been critical of its refusal to identify the designer, and have pointed to previous failures of the same argument. Rabbi Natan Slifkin directly criticized the advocates


id: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science-2.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design and science
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:47.753901+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-0
summary:
== Peer review == The failure to follow the procedures of scientific discourse and the failure to submit work to the scientific community that withstands scrutiny have weighed against intelligent design being accepted as valid science. The intelligent design movement has not published a properly peer-reviewed article supporting ID in a scientific journal, and has failed to publish peer-reviewed research or data supporting ID. Intelligent design, by appealing to a supernatural agent, directly conflicts with the principles of science, which limit its inquiries to empirical, observable and ultimately testable data and which require explanations to be based on empirical evidence. Dembski, Behe and other intelligent design proponents say bias by the scientific community is to blame for the failure of their research to be published. Intelligent design proponents believe that their writings are rejected for not conforming to purely naturalistic, non-supernatural mechanisms rather than because their research is not up to "journal standards", and that the merit of their articles is overlooked. Some scientists describe this claim as a conspiracy theory. Michael Shermer has rebutted the claim, noting "Anyone who thinks that scientists do not question Darwinism has never been to an evolutionary conference." He noted that scientists such as


id: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science-3.md
category: reference
title: Intelligent design and science
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design_and_science
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:47.753901+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: intelligent-design-and-science-20260505-0
summary:
== Intelligence as an observable quality == The phrase intelligent design makes use of an assumption of the quality of an observable intelligence, a concept that has no scientific consensus definition. William Dembski, for example, has written that "Intelligence leaves behind a characteristic signature". The characteristics of intelligence are assumed by intelligent design proponents to be observable without specifying what the criteria for the measurement of intelligence should be. Dembski, instead, asserts that "in special sciences ranging from forensics to archaeology to SETI (the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence), appeal to a designing intelligence is indispensable". How this appeal is made and what this implies as to the definition of intelligence are topics left largely unaddressed. Seth Shostak, a researcher with the SETI Institute, disputed Dembski's comparison of SETI and intelligent design, saying that intelligent design advocates base their inference of design on complexity—the argument being that some biological systems are too complex to have been made by natural processes—while SETI researchers are looking primarily for artificiality. Critics say that the design detection methods proposed by intelligent design proponents are radically different from conventional design detection, undermining the key elements that make it possible as legitimate science. Intelligent design proponents, they


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-0.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
Irreducible complexity (IC) is the argument that certain biological systems with multiple interacting parts would not function if one of the parts were removed, so supposedly could not have evolved by successive small modifications from earlier less complex systems through natural selection, which would need all intermediate precursor systems to have been fully functional. This negative argument is then complemented by the claim that the only alternative explanation is a "purposeful arrangement of parts" inferring design by an intelligent agent. Irreducible complexity has become central to the creationist concept of intelligent design (ID), but the concept of irreducible complexity has been rejected by the scientific community at large, which regards intelligent design as pseudoscience. Irreducible complexity and specified complexity are the two main arguments used by intelligent-design proponents to support their version of the theological argument from design. The central concept that complex biological systems which require all their parts to function could not evolve by the incremental changes of natural selection, and so must have been produced by an intelligence, was already featured in creation science. The 1989 school textbook Of Pandas and People introduced the alternative terminology of intelligent design, a revised section in the 1993 edition of


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-1.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
==== 19th century ==== Chapter XV of Paley's Natural Theology discusses at length what he called "relations" of parts of living things as an indication of their design. Georges Cuvier applied his principle of the correlation of parts to describe an animal from fragmentary remains. For Cuvier, this related to another principle of his, the conditions of existence, which excluded the possibility of transmutation of species. While he did not originate the term, Charles Darwin identified the argument as a possible way to falsify a prediction of the theory of evolution at the outset. In The Origin of Species (1859), he wrote, "If it could be demonstrated that any complex organ existed, which could not possibly have been formed by numerous, successive, slight modifications, my theory would absolutely break down. But I can find out no such case." Darwin's theory of evolution challenges the teleological argument by postulating an alternative explanation to that of an intelligent designer—namely, evolution by natural selection. By showing how simple unintelligent forces can ratchet up designs of extraordinary complexity without invoking outside design, Darwin showed that an intelligent designer was not the necessary conclusion to draw from complexity in nature. The argument from irreducible complexity


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-2.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
=== Creationism === Versions of the irreducible complexity argument have been common in young Earth creationist (YEC) creation science journals. For example, in the July 1965 issue of Creation Research Society Quarterly Harold W. Clark described the complex interaction in which yucca moths have an "inherited action pattern" or instinct to fertilize plants: "Before the pattern can be inherited, it must be formed. But how could yucca plants mature seeds while waiting for the moths to learn the process and set the pattern? The whole procedure points so strongly to intelligent design that it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the hand of a wise and beneficent Creator has been involved." Similarly, honeybees pollinate apple blossom: "Again we may well ask how such an arrangement could have come about by accident, or how either the flowers or the bees could have survived alone. Intelligent design is again evident." In 1974 the YEC Henry M. Morris introduced an irreducible complexity concept in his creation science book Scientific Creationism, in which he wrote; "The creationist maintains that the degree of complexity and order which science has discovered in the universe could never be generated by chance or accident." He continued; "This


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-3.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
=== Intelligent design === The biology supplementary textbook for schools Of Pandas and People was drafted presenting creation science arguments, but shortly after the Edwards v. Aguillard ruling, that it was unconstitutional to teach creationism in public school science classes, the authors changed the wording to "intelligent design", introducing the new meaning of this term when the book was published in 1989. In a separate response to the same ruling, law professor Phillip E. Johnson wrote Darwin on Trial, published in 1991, and at a conference in March 1992 brought together key figures in what he later called the 'wedge movement', including biochemistry professor Michael Behe. According to Johnson, around 1992 Behe developed his ideas of what he later called his "irreducible complexity" concept, and first presented these ideas in June 1993 when the "Johnson-Behe cadre of scholars" met at Pajaro Dunes in California. The second edition of Of Pandas and People, published in 1993, had extensive revisions to Chapter 6 Biochemical Similarities with new sections on the complex mechanism of blood clotting and on the origin of proteins, written by Behe though he was not initially acknowledged as their author. He argued that "all of the proteins had to


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-4.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
In his 2008 book Only A Theory, biologist Kenneth R. Miller challenges Behe's claim that the mousetrap is irreducibly complex. Miller observes that various subsets of the five components can be devised to form cooperative units, ones that have different functions from the mousetrap and so, in biological terms, could form functional spandrels before being adapted to the new function of catching mice. In an example taken from his high school experience, Miller recalls that one of his classmates...struck upon the brilliant idea of using an old, broken mousetrap as a spitball catapult, and it worked brilliantly.... It had worked perfectly as something other than a mousetrap.... my rowdy friend had pulled a couple of parts—probably the hold-down bar and catch—off the trap to make it easier to conceal and more effective as a catapult... [leaving] the base, the spring, and the hammer. Not much of a mousetrap, but a helluva spitball launcher.... I realized why [Behe's] mousetrap analogy had bothered me. It was wrong. The mousetrap is not irreducibly complex after all. Other systems identified by Miller that include mousetrap components include the following: use the spitball launcher as a tie clip (same three-part system with different function) remove


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-5.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
The eye is frequently cited by intelligent design and creationism advocates as a purported example of irreducible complexity. Behe used the "development of the eye problem" as evidence for intelligent design in Darwin's Black Box. Although Behe acknowledged that the evolution of the larger anatomical features of the eye have been well-explained, he pointed out that the complexity of the minute biochemical reactions required at a molecular level for light sensitivity still defies explanation. Creationist Jonathan Sarfati has described the eye as evolutionary biologists' "greatest challenge as an example of superb 'irreducible complexity' in God's creation", specifically pointing to the supposed "vast complexity" required for transparency. In an often misquoted passage from On the Origin of Species, Charles Darwin appears to acknowledge the eye's development as a difficulty for his theory. However, the quote in context shows that Darwin actually had a very good understanding of the evolution of the eye (see fallacy of quoting out of context). He notes that "to suppose that the eye ... could have been formed by natural selection, seems, I freely confess, absurd in the highest possible degree". Yet this observation was merely a rhetorical device for Darwin. He goes on to explain that


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-6.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
The flagella of certain bacteria constitute a molecular motor requiring the interaction of about 40 different protein parts. Behe presents this as a prime example of an irreducibly complex structure defined as "a single system composed of several well-matched, interacting parts that contribute to the basic function, wherein the removal of any one of the parts causes the system to effectively cease functioning", and argues that since "an irreducibly complex system that is missing a part is by definition nonfunctional", it could not have evolved gradually through natural selection. Reducible complexity. In contrast to Behe's claims, many proteins can be deleted or mutated and the flagellum still works, even though sometimes at reduced efficiency. In fact, the composition of flagella is surprisingly diverse across bacteria with many proteins only found in some species but not others. Hence the flagellar apparatus is clearly very flexible in evolutionary terms and perfectly able to lose or gain protein components. Further studies have shown that, contrary to claims of "irreducible complexity", flagella and the type-III secretion system share several components which provides strong evidence of a shared evolutionary history (see below). In fact, this example shows how a complex system can evolve from simpler


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-7.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
=== Reducibility of "irreducible" systems === Researchers have proposed potentially viable evolutionary pathways for allegedly irreducibly complex systems such as blood clotting, the immune system and the flagellum—the three examples Behe proposed. John H. McDonald even showed his example of a mousetrap to be reducible. If irreducible complexity is an insurmountable obstacle to evolution, it should not be possible to conceive of such pathways. Niall Shanks and Karl H. Joplin, both of East Tennessee State University, have shown that systems satisfying Behe's characterization of irreducible biochemical complexity can arise naturally and spontaneously as the result of self-organizing chemical processes. They also assert that what evolved biochemical and molecular systems actually exhibit is "redundant complexity"—a kind of complexity that is the product of an evolved biochemical process. They claim that Behe overestimated the significance of irreducible complexity because of his simple, linear view of biochemical reactions, resulting in his taking snapshots of selective features of biological systems, structures, and processes, while ignoring the redundant complexity of the context in which those features are naturally embedded. They also criticized his over-reliance on overly simplistic metaphors, such as his mousetrap. A computer model of the co-evolution of proteins binding to DNA in the


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-8
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-8.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
Irreducible complexity can be seen as equivalent to an "uncrossable valley" in a fitness landscape. A number of mathematical models of evolution have explored the circumstances under which such valleys can, nevertheless, be crossed. An example of a structure that is claimed in Dembski's book No Free Lunch to be irreducibly complex, but evidently has evolved, is the protein T-urf13, which is responsible for the cytoplasmic male sterility of waxy corn and is due to a completely new gene. It arose from the fusion of several non-protein-coding fragments of mitochondrial DNA and the occurrence of several mutations, all of which were necessary. Behe's book Darwin Devolves claims that things like this would take billions of years and could not arise from random tinkering, but the corn was bred during the 20th century. When presented with T-urf13 as an example for the evolvability of irreducibly complex systems, the Discovery Institute resorted to its flawed probability argument based on false premises, akin to the Texas sharpshooter fallacy. === Falsifiability and experimental evidence === Some critics, such as Jerry Coyne (professor of evolutionary biology at the University of Chicago) and Eugenie Scott (a physical anthropologist and former executive director of the National Center


id: irreducible-complexity-20260505-9
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity-9.md
category: reference
title: Irreducible complexity
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irreducible_complexity
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:48.976196+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: irreducible-complexity-20260505-0
summary:
"... creationists made the same argument that the complexity of the bacterial flagellum supported creationism as Professors Behe and Minnich now make for ID. (P-853; P-845; 37:155–56 (Minnich))." (Page 34) "Professor Behe admitted in "Reply to My Critics" that there was a defect in his view of irreducible complexity because, while it purports to be a challenge to natural selection, it does not actually address "the task facing natural selection." and that "Professor Behe wrote that he hoped to "repair this defect in future work..." (Page 73) "As expert testimony revealed, the qualification on what is meant by "irreducible complexity" renders it meaningless as a criticism of evolution. (3:40 (Miller)). In fact, the theory of evolution proffers exaptation as a well-recognized, well-documented explanation for how systems with multiple parts could have evolved through natural means." (Page 74) "By defining irreducible complexity in the way that he has, Professor Behe attempts to exclude the phenomenon of exaptation by definitional fiat, ignoring as he does so abundant evidence which refutes his argument. Notably, the NAS has rejected Professor Behe's claim for irreducible complexity..." (Page 75) "As irreducible complexity is only a negative argument against evolution, it is refutable and accordingly testable, unlike


id: junkyard-tornado-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Junkyard_tornado-0.md
category: reference
title: Junkyard tornado
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Junkyard_tornado
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:50.177367+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: junkyard-tornado-20260505-0
summary:
The junkyard tornado, sometimes known as Hoyle's fallacy, is a fallacious argument formulated by Fred Hoyle against Earth-based abiogenesis and in favor of panspermia. The junkyard tornado argument has been taken out of its original context by theists to argue for intelligent design, and has since become a mainstay in the rejection of evolution by religious groups, even though Fred Hoyle declared himself an atheist, and even though the junkyard tornado argument is considered a fallacy in its original context of Earth-based abiogenesis vs. panspermia. The junkyard tornado argument uses a calculation of the probability of abiogenesis based on false assumptions, as comparable to "a tornado sweeping through a junk-yard might assemble a Boeing 747 from the materials therein" and to compare the chance of obtaining even a single functioning protein by chance combination of amino acids to a solar system full of blind men solving Rubik's Cubes simultaneously. It was used originally by English astronomer Fred Hoyle (1915–2001) in his book The Intelligent Universe, where he tried to apply statistics to evolution and the origin of life. Similar reasoning was advanced in Darwin's time, and indeed as long ago as Cicero in classical antiquity. Hoyle's fallacy contradicts many well-established


id: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism-0.md
category: reference
title: A Scientific Dissent from Darwinism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:52.473825+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-0
summary:
"A Scientific Dissent from Darwinism" (or "Dissent from Darwinism") was a statement issued in 2001 by the Discovery Institute, a creationist think tank based in Seattle, Washington, U.S., best known for its promotion of the pseudoscientific principle of intelligent design. As part of the Discovery Institute's Teach the Controversy campaign, the statement expresses skepticism about the ability of random mutations and natural selection to account for the complexity of life, and encourages careful examination of the evidence for "Darwinism", a term intelligent design proponents use to refer to evolution. The statement was published in advertisements under an introduction which stated that its signatories dispute the assertion that Darwin's theory of evolution fully explains the complexity of living things, and dispute that "all known scientific evidence supports [Darwinian] evolution". The Discovery Institute states that the list was first started to refute claims made by promoters of the PBS television series "Evolution" that "virtually every scientist in the world believes the theory to be true". Further names of signatories have been added at intervals. The list continues to be used in Discovery Institute intelligent design campaigns in an attempt to discredit evolution and bolster claims that intelligent design is scientifically valid by


id: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism-1.md
category: reference
title: A Scientific Dissent from Darwinism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:52.473825+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-0
summary:
== Discovery Institute usage == By promoting a perception that evolution is the subject of wide controversy and debate within the scientific community, whereas in fact evolution is overwhelmingly supported by scientists, the list is used to lend support to other Discovery Institute campaigns promoting intelligent design, including "Teach the Controversy", "Critical Analysis of Evolution", "Free Speech on Evolution", and "Stand Up For Science". For example, in its "Teach the Controversy" campaign, the Institute claims that "evolution is a theory in crisis" and that many scientists criticize evolution and citing the list as evidence or a resource. The Discovery Institute also asserts that this information is being withheld from students in public high school science classes along with "alternatives" to evolution such as intelligent design. The Institute uses "A Scientific Dissent From Darwinism" as evidence to support its claim that evolution is disputed widely within the scientific community. In 2002, Stephen C. Meyer, the founder of the Discovery Institute's Center for Science and Culture, presented the list as evidence to the Ohio Board of Education to promote Teach the Controversy. He cited it as demonstrating that there was a genuine controversy over Darwinian evolution. In the 2005 Kansas evolution hearings


id: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism-2.md
category: reference
title: A Scientific Dissent from Darwinism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:52.473825+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-0
summary:
The listed affiliations and areas of expertise of the signatories have also been criticized, with many signatories coming from wholly unrelated fields of academia, such as aviation and engineering, computer science and meteorology. In addition, the list was signed by only about 0.01% of scientists in the relevant fields. According to the National Science Foundation, there were approximately 955,300 biological scientists in the United States in 1999. Only about 1/4 of the approximately 700 Darwin Dissenters in 2007 are biologists, according to Kenneth Chang of The New York Times. Approximately 40% of the Darwin Dissenters are not identified as residing in the United States, so in 2007, there were about 105 US biologists among the Darwin Dissenters, representing about 0.01% of the total number of US biologists that existed in 1999. The theory of evolution is overwhelmingly accepted throughout the scientific community. Professor Brian Alters of McGill University, an expert in the creation–evolution controversy, is quoted in an article published by the NIH as stating that "99.9 percent of scientists accept evolution". The list has been criticized by many organizations and publications for lacking any true experts in the relevant fields of research, primarily biology. Critics have noted that of


id: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism-3.md
category: reference
title: A Scientific Dissent from Darwinism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Scientific_Dissent_from_Darwinism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:52.473825+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: a-scientific-dissent-from-darwinism-20260505-0
summary:
=== Defections and disagreements === The National Center for Science Education interviewed a sample of the signatories, and found that some were less critical of "Darwinism" than the advertisement claimed. It wrote to all of them asking whether they thought living things shared common ancestors and whether humans and apes shared common ancestors. According to Eugenie Scott of the NCSE, a few of the signatories replied saying that they did accept these principles but did not think that natural selection could explain the origins of life. However, the replies ceased when, according to Scott, the Discovery Institute found out and advised signatories not to respond. She concluded from this that "at least some of the more knowledgeable scientists did not interpret this statement the way that it was intended [by the Discovery Institute] to be interpreted by the general public." For example, signatory Stanley N. Salthe, a visiting scientist at Binghamton University, State University of New York, who describes himself as an atheist, said that when he endorsed a petition he had no idea what the Discovery Institute was. Salthe stated, "I signed it in irritation", and said that evolutionary biologists were being unfair in suppressing competing ideas. He said


id: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy-0.md
category: reference
title: Watchmaker analogy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:54.826271+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-0
summary:
The watchmaker analogy or watchmaker argument is a teleological argument, an argument for the existence of God. In broad terms, the watchmaker analogy states that just as it is readily observed that a watch (e.g., a pocket watch) did not come to be accidentally or on its own but rather through the intentional handiwork of a skilled watchmaker, it is also readily observed that nature did not come to be accidentally or on its own but through the intentional handiwork of an intelligent designer. The watchmaker analogy originated in natural theology and is often used to argue for the concept of intelligent design. The analogy states that a design implies a designer, by an intelligent designer, i.e., a creator deity. The watchmaker analogy was given by William Paley in his 1802 book Natural Theology or Evidences of the Existence and Attributes of the Deity. The original analogy played a prominent role in natural theology and the "argument from design", where it was used to support arguments for the existence of God of the universe, in both Christianity and Deism. Prior to Paley, however, Sir Isaac Newton, René Descartes, and others from the time of the Scientific Revolution had each believed


id: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy-1.md
category: reference
title: Watchmaker analogy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:54.826271+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-0
summary:
In crossing a heath, suppose I pitched my foot against a stone, and were asked how the stone came to be there; I might possibly answer, that, for anything I knew to the contrary, it had lain there forever: nor would it perhaps be very easy to show the absurdity of this answer. But suppose I had found a watch upon the ground, and it should be inquired how the watch happened to be in that place; I should hardly think of the answer I had before given, that for anything I knew, the watch might have always been there. ... There must have existed, at some time, and at some place or other, an artificer or artificers, who formed [the watch] for the purpose which we find it actually to answer; who comprehended its construction, and designed its use. ... Every indication of contrivance, every manifestation of design, which existed in the watch, exists in the works of nature; with the difference, on the side of nature, of being greater or more, and that in a degree which exceeds all computation. Paley went on to argue that the complex structures of living things and the remarkable adaptations of plants


id: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy-2.md
category: reference
title: Watchmaker analogy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:54.826271+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-0
summary:
=== David Hume === Before Paley published his book, David Hume (1711–1776) had already put forward a number of philosophical criticisms of the watch analogy, and to some extent anticipated the concept of natural selection. His criticisms can be separated into three major distinctions. His first objection is that we have no experience of world-making. Hume highlighted the fact that everything we claim to know the cause of, we have derived the inductions from previous experiences of similar objects being created or seen the object itself being created ourselves. For example, with a watch, we know it has to be created by a watchmaker because we can observe it being made and compare it to the making of other similar watches or objects to deduce they have alike causes in their creation. However, he argues that we have no experience of the universe's creation or any other universe's creations to compare our own universe to and never will; therefore, it would be illogical to infer that our universe has been created by an intelligent designer in the same way that a watch has. The second criticism that Hume offers is about the form of the argument as an analogy in


id: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy-3.md
category: reference
title: Watchmaker analogy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:54.826271+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-0
summary:
When Darwin completed his studies of theology at Christ's College, Cambridge, in 1831, he read Paley's Natural Theology and believed that the work gave rational proof of the existence of God. That was because living beings showed complexity and were exquisitely fitted to their places in a happy world. Subsequently, on the voyage of the Beagle, Darwin found that nature was not so beneficent, and the distribution of species did not support ideas of divine creation. In 1838, shortly after his return, Darwin conceived his theory that natural selection, rather than divine design, was the best explanation for gradual change in populations over many generations. He published the theory in On the Origin of Species in 1859, and in later editions, he noted responses that he had received: It can hardly be supposed that a false theory would explain, in so satisfactory a manner as does the theory of natural selection, the several large classes of facts above specified. It has recently been objected that this is an unsafe method of arguing; but it is a method used in judging of the common events of life, and has often been used by the greatest natural philosophers ... I see no


id: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy-4.md
category: reference
title: Watchmaker analogy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watchmaker_analogy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:54.826271+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: watchmaker-analogy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Richerson and Boyd === Biologist Peter Richerson and anthropologist Robert Boyd offer an oblique criticism by arguing that watches were not "hopeful monsters created by single inventors," but were created by watchmakers building up their skills in a cumulative fashion over time, each contributing to a watch-making tradition from which any individual watchmaker draws their designs. == Contemporary usage == In the early 20th century, the modernist theology of higher criticism was contested in the United States by Biblical literalists, who campaigned successfully against the teaching of evolution and began calling themselves creationists in the 1920s. When teaching of evolution was reintroduced into public schools in the 1960s, they adopted what they called creation science that had a central concept of design in similar terms to Paley's argument. That idea was then relabeled intelligent design, which presents the same analogy as an argument against evolution by natural selection without explicitly stating that the "intelligent designer" was God. The argument from the complexity of biological organisms was now presented as the irreducible complexity argument, the most notable proponent of which was Michael Behe, and, leveraging off the verbiage of information theory, the specified complexity argument, the most notable proponent of


id: destruction-of-stocking-frames-etc-act-1812-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Destruction_of_Stocking_Frames,_etc._Act_1812-0.md
category: reference
title: Destruction of Stocking Frames, etc. Act 1812
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Destruction_of_Stocking_Frames,_etc._Act_1812
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:09:58.717192+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: destruction-of-stocking-frames-etc-act-1812-20260505-0
summary:
The Destruction of Stocking Frames, etc. Act 1812 (52 Geo. 3. c. 16), also known as the Frame-Breaking Act and before passage as the Frame Work Bill, was an act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, passed by the British Government in 1812 aimed at increasing the penalties for Luddite behaviour in order to discourage it. == Passage and content == The Frame Work Bill was introduced to Parliament on 14 February 1812 by the Home Secretary Richard Ryder, acting in concert with Spencer Perceval (who was at that time both Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister), the Attorney General Sir Vicary Gibbs, the Solicitor General Sir Thomas Plumer, and three Nottinghamshire MPs concerned about the Luddite Movement taking hold in their constituencies. Rushed through as an "emergency measure", the act was passed with an overwhelming majority and received royal assent on 20 March, despite opposition. Fundamentally, there was agreement between members of the government and the opposition that the measure was a last resort; but where supporters believed that all other avenues had been exhausted, opponents (seeing relative tranquillity over the winter period) did not. The newly created Lord Byron used his maiden speech in the House


id: inheritance-tv-series-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inheritance_(TV_series)-0.md
category: reference
title: Inheritance (TV series)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inheritance_(TV_series)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:01.482470+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: inheritance-tv-series-20260505-0
summary:
Inheritance was a 1967 Granada-produced ITV drama based on a trilogy of novels by Phyllis Bentley - Inheritance (1932), The Rise of Henry Morcar (1946) and A Man of His Time (1966). == Plot == The ten-part period drama revolved around the fortunes of the Oldroyds, a Yorkshire mill-owning family from 1812 to 1965. The early part of the series featured the Luddite riots, involving the burning of mills and the subsequent execution of those responsible. The series turned the expression "There's trouble at mill" into a catchphrase. == Leading actors == The series featured Michael Goodliffe, John Thaw and James Bolam in leading roles over the generations. Each new generation saw Goodliffe and Thaw playing father and eldest son, with Bolam usually playing the part of the younger son. == Cast with original parts == Michael Goodliffe as William Oldroyd Daphne Heard as Janie Smith-Oldroyd Royston Tickner as Charley Mellor Madeleine Christie as Charlotte Stancliffe John Thaw as Will Oldroyd Wilfred Pickles as mill overlooker Thelma Whiteley as Mary Bamforth Judy Wilson as Martha Ackroyd James Bolam as Joe Bamforth David Burke as Henry Morcar Basil Dignam as Mr. Shaw == References == == External links == Inheritance at


id: ned-ludd-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ned_Ludd-0.md
category: reference
title: Ned Ludd
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ned_Ludd
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:02.638960+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: ned-ludd-20260505-0
summary:
Ned Ludd is the legendary person to whom the Luddites attributed the name of their movement. In 1779, Ludd is supposed to have broken two stocking frames in a fit of rage. When the "Luddites" emerged in the 1810s, his identity was appropriated to become the folkloric character of Captain Ludd, also known as King Lud or General Ludd, the Luddites' alleged leader and founder. == History == According to the legend, Ludd was a weaver from Anstey, near Leicester, England. In 1779, after either being whipped for idleness or taunted by local youths, he smashed two knitting frames in what was described as a "fit of passion". This story can be traced to an article in The Nottingham Review on 20 December 1811, but there is no independent evidence of its veracity. John Blackner's book History of Nottingham, also published in 1811, provides a variant tale, of a lad called "Ludlam" who was told by his father, a framework-knitter, to "square his needles". Ludlam took a hammer and "beat them into a heap". News of the incident spread, and whenever frames were sabotaged, people would jokingly say "Ned Ludd did it". By 1812, organised frame-breakers became known as Luddites,


id: the-making-of-the-english-working-class-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Making_of_the_English_Working_Class-0.md
category: reference
title: The Making of the English Working Class
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Making_of_the_English_Working_Class
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:03.792890+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: the-making-of-the-english-working-class-20260505-0
summary:
The Making of the English Working Class is a work of English social history written by E. P. Thompson, a New Left historian. It was first published in 1963 by Victor Gollancz Ltd, and republished in revised form in 1968 by Pelican, after which it became an early Open University set book. It concentrates on English artisan and working-class society "in its formative years 1780 to 1832". It was placed 30th in the Modern Library 100 Best Nonfiction books of the 20th century. == Overview == In the preface, Thompson said of his aims: "I am seeking to rescue the poor stockinger, the Luddite cropper, the 'obsolete' hand-loom weaver, the 'utopian' artisan, and even the deluded follower of Joanna Southcott, from the enormous condescension of posterity." Thompson uses a humanist approach to social history, being critical of those who turn the people of the working class into an inhuman statistical bloc. Thompson wished to disassociate Marxism from Stalinism, and added humanistic principles to the book as a way of steering the left towards democratic socialism, as opposed to totalitarianism. Thompson expounds upon his theories on working-class consciousness, which he says are manifested by values of solidarity, collectivism, mutuality, political radicalism


id: malicious-injuries-to-property-act-1827-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malicious_Injuries_to_Property_Act_1827-0.md
category: reference
title: Malicious Injuries to Property Act 1827
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malicious_Injuries_to_Property_Act_1827
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:07.202216+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: malicious-injuries-to-property-act-1827-20260505-0
summary:
The Malicious Injuries to Property Act 1827 (7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 30) or the Malicious Injuries to Property (England) Act 1827 was an act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom that consolidated enactments relating to malicious injuries to property in England and Wales. The act was one of Peel's Acts which consolidated, repealed and replaced a large number of existing statutes. The enactments replaced by the act were repealed by the Criminal Statutes Repeal Act 1827 (7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 27). Similar provisions were made for Ireland by the Malicious Injuries to Property (Ireland) Act 1828 (9 Geo. 4. c. 56). == Background == In the United Kingdom, acts of Parliament remain in force until expressly repealed. Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England, published in the late 18th-century, raised questions about the system and structure of the common law and the poor drafting and disorder of the existing statute book. In 1806, the Commission on Public Records passed a resolution requesting the production of a report on the best mode of reducing the volume of the statute book. From 1810 to 1825, The Statutes of the Realm was published, providing for the first time


id: malicious-injuries-to-property-act-1827-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malicious_Injuries_to_Property_Act_1827-1.md
category: reference
title: Malicious Injuries to Property Act 1827
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malicious_Injuries_to_Property_Act_1827
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:07.202216+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: malicious-injuries-to-property-act-1827-20260505-0
summary:
The Criminal Statutes (Ireland) Repeal Act 1828 (9 Geo. 4. 54), which repealed for Ireland over 140 enactments relating to the English criminal law. The Criminal Law (Ireland) Act 1828 (9 Geo. 4. 54), which modernised the administration of criminal justice The Larceny (Ireland) Act 1828 (9 Geo. 4. c. 55) which consolidated provisions in the law relating to larceny. The Malicious Injuries to Property (Ireland) Act 1828 (9 Geo. 4. c. 56), which consolidated provisions in the law relating to malicious injuries to property. In 1828, the Offences Against the Person Act 1828 (9 Geo. 4. c. 31) was passed, which consolidated enactments relating to offences against the person and repealed for England and Wales almost 60 related enactments. In 1829, the Offences Against the Person (Ireland) Act 1829 (10 Geo. 4. c. 34) was passed, which consolidated enactments relating to offences against the person and repealed for Ireland almost 60 enactments relating to the criminal law of Ireland. In 1861, bills were introduced, drafted by Charles Sprengel Greaves to mirror Peel's Acts, to consolidate and modernise the criminal law across: Offences Against the Person Malicious Injuries to Property Larceny Forgery Coining Accessories and Abettors In 1861, the Criminal


id: pentrich-rising-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pentrich_rising-0.md
category: reference
title: Pentrich rising
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pentrich_rising
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:09.562524+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: pentrich-rising-20260505-0
summary:
The Pentrich Rising was an armed uprising around the village of Pentrich, Derbyshire, England, on the night of 9–10 June 1817. While much of the planning took place in Pentrich, two of the three ringleaders were from South Wingfield and the other was from Sutton in Ashfield; it started from Hunt's Barn in South Wingfield, and the only person killed died in Wingfield Park. A gathering of some two or three hundred men (stockingers, quarrymen and iron workers), led by Jeremiah Brandreth (The Nottingham Captain, an unemployed stockinger), set out from South Wingfield to march to Nottingham. They were lightly armed with pikes, scythes and a few guns, which had been hidden in a quarry in Wingfield Park, and had a set of rather unfocused revolutionary demands, including the wiping out of the National Debt. One among them, William J. Oliver, was a government spy, and the uprising was quashed soon after it began. Three men were hanged and beheaded at Derby Gaol for their participation in the uprising: Brandreth, Isaac Ludlam and William Turner. Co-accused conspirator and leader George Weightman was sentenced to the same fate, but later had his sentence reduced to transportation for life, as a prisoner


id: pentrich-rising-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pentrich_rising-1.md
category: reference
title: Pentrich rising
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pentrich_rising
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:09.562524+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: pentrich-rising-20260505-0
summary:
== The march == At 10 pm on 9 June, around fifty men assembled at Hunt's Barn in South Wingfield and for four hours ranged around the neighbourhood for weapons and extra men. At one house a widow, Mary Hepworth, lived with her two sons. When she refused to open up, the rioters broke a window and Brandreth fired a shot through it, killing a servant. Some of the party were appalled at this wanton act, but Brandreth threatened to shoot them also if they did not remain. Eventually the group set out for the Butterley Company works. When they arrived they were confronted by George Goodwin, the factory agent, who, with a few constables, faced them down. One or two of the party defected and, increasingly demoralised, the remainder headed for Ripley. There was no police force at that time. Order was maintained by the various semi-private armies such as the yeomanry, while intelligence was gathered by the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth, from a network formed of local magistrates and paid informers. Through Ripley they pressed more followers into service and at Codnor and Langley Mill they awoke various publicans for beer, bread and cheese. It was now raining


id: protection-of-stocking-frames-etc-act-1788-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protection_of_Stocking_Frames,_etc._Act_1788-0.md
category: reference
title: Protection of Stocking Frames, etc. Act 1788
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protection_of_Stocking_Frames,_etc._Act_1788
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:10.714246+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: protection-of-stocking-frames-etc-act-1788-20260505-0
summary:
The Protection of Stocking Frames, etc. Act 1788 (28 Geo. 3. c. 55) was an act of the Parliament of Great Britain passed in 1788 and aimed at increasing the penalties for the deliberate disruption of the activity of mechanical knitting machines (stocking frames). == Contents == Section one of the act made failure to return frames that had been hired from their owner punishable with a fine, whilst section two made unlawfully disposing of hired frames punishable with imprisonment, and section three made the purchaser equally culpable if he or she knew the frames were not the property of the seller. The final (and most strongly worded) section of the act, section four, made the outright destruction of the frames a felony punishable by 7 to 14 years transportation. The act also included the same penalty for entering by force with the intent to destroy frames or their associated paraphernalia. It was established in later case law that theft of items integral to the correct functioning of the machines (even if they were not damaged) was sufficient to meet the threshold for the act. The act described itself as a response to the malicious theft of frames, and the


id: shirley-novel-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shirley_(novel)-0.md
category: reference
title: Shirley (novel)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shirley_(novel)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:11.913651+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: shirley-novel-20260505-0
summary:
Shirley, A Tale is an 1849 social novel by the English novelist Charlotte Brontë. It was Brontë's second published novel after Jane Eyre (originally published under Brontë's pseudonym Currer Bell). The novel is set in Yorkshire in 1811–12, during the industrial depression resulting from the Napoleonic Wars and the War of 1812. The novel is set against the backdrop of the Luddite uprisings in the Yorkshire textile industry. The novel's popularity led to the surname Shirley becoming popular as a first name for women. Brontë tells the reader it was a tradition in the family to only give this surname as a first name to male children. It wasn't commonly used as a first name in England before the book. It is now regarded as a female first name. == Background == While Charlotte Brontë was writing Shirley, three of her siblings died. Her brother Branwell died in September 1848, and her sister Emily fell ill and died in December. Brontë resumed writing, but then her only remaining sibling, her sister Anne, became ill and died in May 1849. Some critics believe that the character of Caroline Helstone was loosely based on Anne and it has been speculated that Brontë


id: shirley-novel-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shirley_(novel)-1.md
category: reference
title: Shirley (novel)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shirley_(novel)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:11.913651+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: shirley-novel-20260505-0
summary:
== Synopsis == Robert Moore is a mill owner noted for apparent ruthlessness towards his employees. He has laid off many of them, and is apparently indifferent to their consequent impoverishment. In fact, he had no choice, since the mill is deeply in debt. He is determined to restore his family's honour and fortune. As the novel opens, Robert awaits delivery of new labour-saving machinery for the mill, which will enable him to lay off additional employees. Together with some friends, he watches all night, but the machinery is destroyed by "frame-breakers" on the way to the mill. Robert's business difficulties continue, due in part to continuing labour unrest, but even more to the Napoleonic Wars and the accompanying Orders in Council, which forbid British merchants from trading in American markets. Robert is very close to his cousin Caroline Helstone, who comes to his house to be taught French and arithmetic by his sister, Hortense. Caroline worships Robert. Caroline's father is dead and her mother has abandoned her, leaving her to be brought up by her uncle, Rev. Matthew Helstone. To keep himself from falling in love with her Robert keeps his distance, since he cannot afford to marry for


id: shirley-novel-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shirley_(novel)-2.md
category: reference
title: Shirley (novel)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shirley_(novel)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:11.913651+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: shirley-novel-20260505-0
summary:
== Characters == The four central characters are studies in contrast: the two friends Caroline Helstone and Shirley Keeldar, and their lovers, the brothers Robert and Louis Gérard Moore. Robert Gérard Moore – A 30-year-old industrialist whose textile mill is idle because of the war. Perceived as an outsider because he comes from Antwerp, even though he is a cousin of Caroline's. Robert Moore installs new labour-saving machinery in his mill and becomes the target of Luddite attacks. Louis Gérard Moore – Robert's brother, working as a tutor for Shirley's uncle. Caroline Helstone – An 18-year-old timid and uncertain, but also wise and capable young woman, the niece of Rev. Helstone and best friend of Shirley. Shirley Keeldar – A 21-year-old orphaned heiress to a fortune. A headstrong, independent and determined young woman. Other characters in the novel include: Rev. Matthew Helstone – Caroline's uncle. A fierce man, who is not cruel, but still shows little affection for his niece. Marriage has made him distrustful of women in general. Hortense Gérard Moore – Robert and Louis's sister. Hiram Yorke – A local landowner. Joseph "Joe" Scott – Robert Moore's foreman at the mill. Mrs Pryor – Shirley's timid but wise


id: metrication-opposition-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition-0.md
category: reference
title: Metrication opposition
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:13.383106+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: metrication-opposition-20260505-0
summary:
The spread of metrication around the world in the last two centuries has been met with both support and opposition. == Metrication == The United States of America officially accepted the Metric System in 1878 but United States customary units remain ubiquitous outside the science and technology sector. The metric system has been largely adopted in Canada and Ireland, and partially adopted in the United Kingdom and Hong Kong, without having fully displaced imperial units from all areas of life. In other Anglophone countries such as Australia, Singapore and New Zealand, imperial units have been formally deprecated and are no longer officially sanctioned for use. == Technical arguments == === Natural evolution and human scale === One argument used by opponents of the metric system is that traditional systems of measurement were developed organically from actual use. Early measures were human in scale, intuitive, and imprecise, as illustrated by still-current expressions such as a stone's throw, within earshot, a cartload or a handful. These measurements' developers, living and working in an era before modern science, gave fundamental priority to ease of learning and use; moreover, the variation permissible within these measurements allowed them to be relational and commensurable: a request


id: metrication-opposition-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition-1.md
category: reference
title: Metrication opposition
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:13.383106+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: metrication-opposition-20260505-0
summary:
=== Tradition === Traditionalists consider the retention of traditional non-metric units as a form of traditionalism, valuing historic usage spanning centuries. Non-metric units often have had different values in different times and places, and some units such as the stone even had different definitions depending on the type of object measured. At the time of the French Revolution there were over 5000 different foot measures. The current UK imperial system is based on the Weights and Measures Act 1824 (5 Geo. 4. c. 74), dating from about 30 years after the founding of the metric system, and some of its units differ very significantly from the United States customary units of the same name. By contrast, the metric system has remained unchanged (for most practical purposes) since it was first defined. Even though the metre was initially defined to equal one ten-millionth of the length of the meridian through Paris from pole to the equator, the first prototype metre bar was subsequently found to be short by 0.2 millimetres (because researchers miscalculated the flattening of the Earth). Nevertheless, this original reference metre was retained, leaving the exact distance from equator to pole slightly more than ten million metres. The need


id: metrication-opposition-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition-2.md
category: reference
title: Metrication opposition
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:13.383106+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: metrication-opposition-20260505-0
summary:
The legal position on the use of imperial measures has not changed. Pre-packed goods and goods sold loose from bulk, such as fruit and vegetables, are still required to be sold in metric quantities and weighing scales must be calibrated in metric units of measurement. Suggestions that goods can now be sold in pounds and ounces are incorrect. In the US, there is also government compulsion with weights and measures. Federal and state laws control the labelling of goods for sale in the supermarket, drugs, wine, liquor, etc. The US Fair Packaging and Labeling Act mandates that measurement must be in both metric and US customary units. However, wine must be bottled in 50 ml, 100 ml, 187 ml, 375 ml, 500 ml, 750 ml, 1 litre, 1.5 litre, or 3 litre sizes. Containers over 3 litres must be bottled in quantities of whole numbers of litres. No other sizes may be bottled. Spirits must also be sold in metric quantities. NASA, the United States' space agency, has taken a less compulsory approach. On 29 March 2010, NASA decided to avoid making its proposed Constellation rocket system metric-compliant, especially due to pressure from manufacturers; ultimately the program was discontinued. It


id: metrication-opposition-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition-3.md
category: reference
title: Metrication opposition
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metrication_opposition
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:13.383106+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: metrication-opposition-20260505-0
summary:
=== Aim of the BWMA === The BWMA's stated aim is to uphold the freedom to use the Imperial system and to oppose the compulsory imposition of the metric system in the UK. The BWMA's campaign parallels the evolution of the eurosceptic viewpoint of the UK's relationship with the EU - its founder, Vivian Linacre, stood for election as a UK Independence Party candidate in 1995, the same year as he founded the BWMA - famously asking the controversial eurosceptic Enoch Powell for endorsement of his political campaign. By the time of the modern BWMA's founding, metrication in the United Kingdom was far advanced, having begun in 1962. British schoolchildren had been educated using only metric measures since 1974 (earlier in some places), and British industry had changed to using metric tools and equipment during the 1980s and were, in most cases, manufacturing to metric standards. === Campaigns === BWMA maintain that people should be free to use the metric system if they want, but that it should not be forced upon them. and specifically, the Association campaigns for freedom for traders to serve their customers in whichever measures both parties find most convenient. BWMA campaigns against the metrication of


id: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)-0.md
category: reference
title: Anthony Bennett (Veritas politician)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:14.557260+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-0
summary:
Anthony John Stuart Bennett (born 7 September 1947) is an English former solicitor and former candidate for public office. He was a member of the British political party Veritas and was listed on the database of the Electoral Commission as official leader for three days, before the real leader was revealed as Robert Kilroy-Silk. In 2006, he began a private prosecution against Michael Barrymore for alleged drugs and drink offences committed on the night Stuart Lubbock was found dead at the entertainer's home. Bennett co-wrote a book with Terry Lubbock, the father of Stuart Lubbock, Not Awight: Getting Away With Murder, explaining their theory that Stuart Lubbock died as a result of a violent attack on him, which Barrymore and his associates that night covered up. He campaigned against the parents of Madeleine McCann, who disappeared while on a family holiday in Portugal in 2007. He asserted that they should have been prosecuted for child neglect and accused them of covering up what happened to their daughter, a charge which ultimately led to the family successfully pursuing legal action against him. == Background and family life == Bennett was educated at Bournemouth School. He then attended Sheffield University where he


id: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)-1.md
category: reference
title: Anthony Bennett (Veritas politician)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:14.557260+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-0
summary:
== Political career == Bennett became active in politics when he lived in Derbyshire from 1972 to 1978. In May 1976, he was voted onto North East Derbyshire District Council as an Independent Labour candidate for the Hasland Ward, where he served until 1978. In 1978, he moved to Harlow where, in 1985, he joined Harlow Constituency Labour Party. Bennett founded two credit unions in the 1980s – the Harlow Community Credit Union in 1980 and, in 1988, the Harlow Council Employees Credit Union. They merged several years later to form HarlowSave Credit Union. In November 1997, Bennett left the Labour party and joined the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). In April 1999, he became the Campaign Manager for UKIP's Eastern Region campaign and, in July 1999, he became Political Assistant to Jeffrey Titford, UKIP MEP, a post he held until February 2001. In January 2000, he co-founded the UKIP's Metric Martyrs Fund with Jeffrey Titford, and published leaflets encouraging traders to defy the new laws making it an offence to sell fruit, vegetables and other "loose goods" using weighing scales calibrated in pounds and ounces. He stood for the UKIP in Harlow in the 2001 General Election, where he


id: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)-2.md
category: reference
title: Anthony Bennett (Veritas politician)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:14.557260+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-0
summary:
=== Stuart Lubbock === In January 2006, Bennett started a private prosecution against the entertainer Michael Barrymore over alleged offences involving drink and the possession and use of Class A and Class B drugs by Barrymore during the night when 31-year-old Stuart Lubbock was found dead at Barrymore's house in March 2001. The prosecution was blocked by a District Judge (Magistrates' Court) at Southend-on-Sea Magistrates' Court on the grounds of insufficient evidence. After the decision was made, Bennett announced that he had been acting independently but that he had the support of the Lubbock family. Barrymore released a statement in which he said, "Mr Bennett's motivation to seek the truth as to how Mr Stuart Lubbock received the injuries to his body is absolutely right. I remain totally committed, as I always have been, to continue to pursue the truth. Allegations about drugs on that night have always been a complete irrelevance as to how Stuart Lubbock suffered those injuries. The court held Mr Bennett's misguided application to prosecute me for drugs offences was an abuse of process." Before the decision was made not to allow the prosecution, Terry Lubbock, the father of Stuart Lubbock, met with Barrymore, when it


id: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)-3.md
category: reference
title: Anthony Bennett (Veritas politician)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Bennett_(Veritas_politician)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:14.557260+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anthony-bennett-veritas-politician-20260505-0
summary:
=== Disappearance of Madeleine McCann === On 1 August 2007, three months after the disappearance of Madeleine McCann from a holiday apartment in Praia da Luz, Lagos, Portugal, Bennett set up a fund called The Madeleine Foundation to fund a private prosecution for child neglect. In November 2007, he started such a prosecution against the parents of Madeline – Gerry and Kate McCann. The initial hearing was at Loughborough Magistrates' Court where the application was dismissed on the grounds that it was a matter for the Portuguese authorities, and thus beyond the jurisdiction of British courts. The foundation was formally constituted in January 2008 with Bennett as secretary. One of the actions for which Tony Bennett and the Foundation were criticised by the British press was the leafletting of the village of Rothley where the McCanns live. He referred the articles in the UK media, which called him and others in the Madeleine Foundation "sickos" and "stalkers", to the PCC. The PCC replied that the newspapers had been justified in referring to him and other members of the Foundation in those terms. After receiving a letter from libel lawyers Carter-Ruck dated 27 August 2009, Bennett gave an undertaking "Not to


id: metric-martyrs-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metric_Martyrs-0.md
category: reference
title: Metric Martyrs
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metric_Martyrs
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:16.802550+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: metric-martyrs-20260505-0
summary:
The Metric Martyrs were a British advocacy group who campaigned for the freedom to choose what units of measurement are used by traders. The group believed that vendors should have the freedom to mark their goods with imperial weights and measurements alone. This opposes the current legal position that imperial units may be used so long as metric units are also displayed. The advocacy group was formed by individuals who had been accused of offences related to selling loose produce using imperial measures, including not displaying metric signage, and for using unstamped weighing machines (which had their stamps removed by the authorities). Newspapers dubbed the group the "metric martyrs" after Chris Howell, then weights and measures spokesman for the Institute of Trading Standards Administration (today the Trading Standards Institute), said that they could martyr themselves if they wanted to. == Legal cases == In 2001 Steve Thoburn, a greengrocer in Sunderland, the main defendant in the original case, was convicted of two offences under the Weights and Measures Act 1985 of using weighing equipment that was not stamped by a Weights and Measures Inspector. The stamps had been obliterated because the scales were not capable of weighing in the metric


id: quebra-quilos-revolt-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quebra–Quilos_revolt-0.md
category: reference
title: Quebra–Quilos revolt
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quebra–Quilos_revolt
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:17.960232+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: quebra-quilos-revolt-20260505-0
summary:
The Quebra–Quilos revolt (Portuguese: revolta do Quebra-Quilos, literally, "revolt of the kilogram-breaker") was a three-month-long revolt in opposition to the proposed transition to the metric system in Brazil. The unrest took place from 31 October 1874 to January 1875 as part of wider anti-government protests. == Background == The metric system was first introduced in Brazil in 1862 as a rebellion against the monopoly established by foreign merchants. Slaves took part on occasions demanding emancipation. Through January the revolt died on its own, without any drastic intervention by the army. The spread of the revolt led to involvement of groups with different goals, such as slaves demanding emancipation, anti masonic clergy and conscientious objectors. The revolt was caused by the implementation of a variety of provincial and municipal taxes, that rendered goods unaffordable for a large portion of the population. The adoption of the metric system further increased prices, as merchants seized the opportunity to manipulate the prices, draft resistance also played a role in increasing tensions. Religion played a role in the uprising as the rebels often assembled in churches, praying before the patron saints before launching their raids, the rebel flag depicted effigies of the Virgin Mary and


id: technophobia-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technophobia-0.md
category: reference
title: Technophobia
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technophobia
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:19.501180+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: technophobia-20260505-0
summary:
Technophobia (from Greek τέχνη technē, "art, skill, craft" and φόβος phobos, "fear"), also known as technofear, is the fear or dislike of, or discomfort with, advanced technology or complex devices, especially personal computers, smartphones, and tablet computers. A 2018 study proposed a new conceptual and empirical definition of technophobia based on a critical literature review and data analysis results: Technophobia is an irrational fear and/or anxiety that individuals form as a response to a new stimulus that comes in the form of a technology that modifies and/or changes the individual’s normal or previous routine in performing a certain job/task. Individuals may display active, physical reactions (fear) such as avoidance and/or passive reactions (anxiety) such as distress or apprehension. Although there are numerous interpretations of technophobia, they become more complex as technology continues to evolve. The term is generally used in the sense of an irrational fear, but others contend fears are justified. It is the opposite of technophilia. Larry Rosen, a research psychologist, computer educator, and professor at California State University, Dominguez Hills, suggests that there are three dominant subcategories of technophobes – the "uncomfortable users", the "cognitive computerphobes", and "anxious computerphobes". First receiving widespread notice during the Industrial Revolution,


id: technophobia-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technophobia-1.md
category: reference
title: Technophobia
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technophobia
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:19.501180+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: technophobia-20260505-0
summary:
=== Use of modern technologies among Old Order Anabaptists === Groups considered by some people to be technophobic are the Amish and other Old Order Anabaptists. The Amish follow a set of moral codes outlined in the Ordnung, which rejects the use of certain forms of technology for personal use. Donald B. Kraybill, Karen M. Johnson-Weiner, and Steven M. Nolt state in their book The Amish: More significantly the Amish modify and adapt technology in creative ways to fit their cultural values and social goals. Amish technologies are diverse, complicated and ever-changing. What the Amish do, is selective use of modern technologies in order to maintain their belief and culture. == Technophobia in arts == An early example of technophobia in fiction and popular culture is Mary Shelley's Frankenstein. Technophobia achieved commercial success in the 1980s with the movie The Terminator, in which a computer becomes self-aware, and decides to kill all humans. Shows such as Doctor Who have tackled the topic of technophobia – most specifically in the episode "The Robots of Death", with a character displaying a great fear of robots due to their lack of body language, described by the Fourth Doctor as giving them the appearance


id: ai-takeover-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AI_takeover-0.md
category: reference
title: AI takeover
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AI_takeover
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:20.654915+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: ai-takeover-20260505-0
summary:
An AI takeover is a fictional or hypothetical future event in which autonomous artificial intelligence systems acquire the capability to supersede human decisions. This could occur through economic manipulation, infrastructure control, or direct intervention, leading to de facto governance. Scenarios range from gradual economic dominance through supplanting the human workforce by automation up to a sudden or aggressive global takeover by a robot uprising or other forms of rogue AI. Stories of AI takeovers have been popular throughout science fiction. Commentators argue that recent advancements in the field have heightened concern about such scenarios. In public debate, prominent figures such as Stephen Hawking have advocated research into precautionary measures to ensure future superintelligent machines remain under human control. == Types == === Automation of the economy === The traditional consensus among economists has been that technological progress does not cause long-term unemployment. However, recent innovation in the fields of robotics and artificial intelligence has raised worries that human labor will become obsolete, leaving workers in some sectors without employment. Many small and medium-sized firms may also be forced to close if they cannot afford or license the latest robotic and AI technology, and may need to focus on areas or


id: ai-takeover-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AI_takeover-1.md
category: reference
title: AI takeover
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AI_takeover
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:20.654915+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: ai-takeover-20260505-0
summary:
Scientists such as Stephen Hawking are confident that superhuman artificial intelligence is physically possible, stating "there is no physical law precluding particles from being organised in ways that perform even more advanced computations than the arrangements of particles in human brains". According to Nick Bostrom, a superintelligent machine would not necessarily be motivated by the same emotional desire to collect power that often drives human beings but might rather treat power as a means toward attaining its ultimate goals; taking over the world would both increase its access to resources and help to prevent other agents from stopping the machine's plans. As a simplified example, a paperclip maximizer designed solely to create as many paperclips as possible would want to take over the world so that it can use all of the world's resources to create as many paperclips as possible, and, additionally, prevent humans from shutting it down or using those resources on things other than paperclips. There are debates on how realistic AI takeover scenarios are. According to a 2026 research paper, many of the arguments about existential risks are based on speculative assumptions about how intelligent AI systems could become, how they would behave and what goals


id: ai-takeover-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AI_takeover-2.md
category: reference
title: AI takeover
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AI_takeover
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:20.654915+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: ai-takeover-20260505-0
summary:
Technology research: A machine with superhuman scientific research abilities would be able to beat the human research community to milestones such as nanotechnology or advanced biotechnology Strategizing: A superintelligence might be able to simply outwit human opposition Social manipulation: A superintelligence might be able to recruit human support, or covertly incite a war between humans Economic productivity: As long as a copy of the AI could produce more economic wealth than the cost of its hardware, individual humans would have an incentive to voluntarily allow the artificial general intelligence (AGI) to run a copy of itself on their systems Hacking: A superintelligence could find new exploits in computers connected to the Internet, and spread copies of itself onto those systems, or might steal money to finance its plans ==== Sources of AI advantage ==== According to Bostrom, a computer program that faithfully emulates a human brain, or that runs algorithms that are as powerful as the human brain's algorithms, could still become a "speed superintelligence" if it can think orders of magnitude faster than a human, due to being made of silicon rather than flesh, or due to optimization increasing the speed of the AGI. Biological neurons operate at about


id: anti-tech-resistance-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Tech_Resistance-0.md
category: reference
title: Anti-Tech Resistance
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Tech_Resistance
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:21.812583+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-tech-resistance-20260505-0
summary:
Anti-Tech Resistance (ATR) is a radical anti-tech movement that views the technological system as incompatible with wild nature, human nature, and freedom. The movement calls for the destruction of the technological system and then a re-adoption of pre-industrial technology. ATR states they are an above-ground movement and they only known to have engaged in legal forms of activism. ATR was founded in France in 2022. Most of the membership is based in Europe, and most of their actions are as well. They do have forms of international recruitment and often promote their message to an international audience. == Beliefs == Much of the ideology ATR posses stems from Ted Kaczynski (also known as The Unabomber) and his books Anti-Tech Revolution: Why & How, as well as Technological Slavery. The movement aims to destroy the technological system, which they define as the web of interconnected and interrelated technologies built following the first industrial revolution. ATR views the technological system as a threat to both the planet and people. They argue that revolution against the technological system is the only viable means of averting catastrophic damage to wild nature and human freedom. The movement argues that technology is not neutral and that


id: anti-tech-revolution-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Tech_Revolution-0.md
category: reference
title: Anti-Tech Revolution
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Tech_Revolution
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:23.023643+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-tech-revolution-20260505-0
summary:
Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How is a 2016 non-fiction book by Ted Kaczynski. == Publication history == In 2016, the first edition was published. A second edition was published by Fitch & Madison in 2020. == Book structure == There are four chapters and six appendices in the book: Chapters: The Development of a Society Can Never Be Subject to Rational Human Control Why the Technological System Will Destroy Itself How to Transform a Society: Errors to Avoid Strategic Guidelines for an Anti-Tech Movement Appendices: In Support of Chapter One In Support of Chapter Two Stay on Target The Long-Term Outcome of Geo-Engineering Thurston's View of Stalin's Terror. State Terrorism in General. The Teachings of Jesus Christ and Their Effect on Society == Synopsis == This book is split up into two parts: The first two chapters of this book argue for the need for a revolution to bring about the end of the technological system, while the second two chapters detail how a movement against the technological system should organize itself to achieve its goal. In Chapter 1 of this book, Kaczynski argues against the notion that humans can rationally steer the development of society for numerous reasons, including


id: anti-tech-revolution-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Tech_Revolution-1.md
category: reference
title: Anti-Tech Revolution
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Tech_Revolution
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:23.023643+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-tech-revolution-20260505-0
summary:
Postulate 1. One cannot change a society by pursuing goals that are vague or abstract. Instead, one has to have a clear and concrete goal. As an experienced activist put it: "Vague, over-generalized objectives are seldom met. The trick is to conceive of some specific development which will inevitably propel your community in the direction you want it to go." Postulate 2. Preaching alone—the mere advocacy of ideas—cannot bring about important, long-lasting changes in the behavior of human beings, unless in a very small minority. Postulate 3. Any radical movement tends to attract many people who may be sincere, but whose goals are only loosely related to the goals of the movement. The result is that the movement's original goals may become blurred, if not completely perverted. Postulate 4. Every radical movement that acquires great power becomes corrupt, at the latest, when its original leaders (meaning those who joined the movement while it was still relatively weak) are all dead or politically inactive. In saying that a movement becomes corrupt, we mean that its members, and especially its leaders, primarily seek personal advantages (such as money, security, social status, powerful offices, or a career) rather than dedicating themselves sincerely to


id: clanker-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clanker-0.md
category: reference
title: Clanker
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clanker
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:24.180973+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: clanker-20260505-0
summary:
"Clanker" is a derogatory term for robots and artificial intelligence (AI) software. The term has been used in Star Wars media, first appearing in the franchise's 2005 video game Star Wars: Republic Commando. In 2025, the term became widely used to express hatred or distaste for machines ranging from delivery robots to large language models. This trend has been attributed to anxiety around the negative societal effects of AI. == In science fiction == The term has been previously used in science fiction literature, first appearing in a 1958 article by William Tenn in which he uses it to describe robots from science fiction films like Metropolis. The Star Wars franchise began using the term as a slur against droids in the 2005 video game Star Wars: Republic Commando before being prominently used in the animated series Star Wars: The Clone Wars, which follows a galaxy-wide war between the Galactic Republic's clone troopers and the Confederacy of Independent Systems' battle droids. In Star Wars media, robots—more commonly known as droids—are routinely depicted as the subjects of discrimination. For example, in the original Star Wars film, C-3PO and R2-D2 are abducted by Jawas and sold to the family of Luke Skywalker.


id: digital-dystopia-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_dystopia-0.md
category: reference
title: Digital dystopia
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_dystopia
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:25.336655+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: digital-dystopia-20260505-0
summary:
Digital dystopia, cyber dystopia or algorithmic dystopia refers to an alternate future or present in which digitized technologies or algorithms have caused major societal disruption. It refers to dystopian narratives of technologies influencing social, economic, and political structures, and its diverse set of components includes virtual reality, artificial intelligence, ubiquitous connectivity, ubiquitous surveillance, and social networks. In popular culture, technological dystopias often are about or depict mass loss of privacy due to technological innovation and social control. They feature heightened socio-political issues like social fragmentation, intensified consumerism, dehumanization, and mass human migrations. == Origins == In 1998, "digital dystopia" was used to describe negative effects of multichannel television on society. "Cyber-dystopia" was coined in 1998 in connection with cyber-punk literature. One of the earliest mentions is on 2004 when an academic and blogger was expelled for commenting on how the Sims Online Computer game based in the city of Alphaville had become a digital dystopia controlled by "president" Donald Meacham and corrupt faction of robot nobles had become a digital dystopia with crime, cyber-sex prostitution and general civic chaos. Digital experimentation of the elements of cyberspace became extremely invasive and took on the appearance of anarchy in Alphaville. In August


id: digital-phobic-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_phobic-0.md
category: reference
title: Digital phobic
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_phobic
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:26.516663+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: digital-phobic-20260505-0
summary:
Digital phobic is an informal phrase used to describe a reluctance to become fully immersed in the digital age for being fearful of how it might negatively change or alter everyday life. The fast-paced development of the digital world in the twenty-first century has contributed to the digital divide becoming a very real problem for a segment of the population for whom a lack of education of, interest in, or access to digital devices has left them excluded from the technological world and fearful of its growing omnipresence. Digital phobic is part of a growing dictionary of digital vocabulary exploring the social impact of the technological age. The phrase considers the fears associated with technological evolution and change, and acknowledges the possibility of exclusion as a result of a rising reliance on technology in day-to-day life. == Discourse == Everyday use of technology has increased dramatically since the turn of the century, significantly impacting both those embracing technological change as well as those reluctant to be a part of it. A sharp rise in technological innovations during the 21st century has been responsible for changing much of the way we work, socialize, and learn – all of which can be


id: digital-phobic-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_phobic-1.md
category: reference
title: Digital phobic
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_phobic
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:26.516663+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: digital-phobic-20260505-0
summary:
== Origins == Digital phobia is part of a wider societal conversation on how we relate to, trust in, and interact with technology and considers the potentially negative implications of what otherwise appears to be a positive advancement of the modern world. This phrase has been developed by Foresters, the international financial services organisation, for the purpose of describing attitudes to technology among the UK population. Developed within a digital vocabulary consisting of four other phrases (digital addict, digital omnivore, digital agnostic, digital denier), digital phobic is part of a scale of social description for online behavior within the digital age. The phrase has been used as part of discussion on the more general use of technology within the 21st century and the importance of striking a balance between time spent on and offline. Research conducted by Foresters in association with Tech Timeout, a social communications initiative considering the role of technology in contemporary society, formed the basis of the descriptor and identified the key traits of each type of digital user based on answers from over 1,000 UK respondents. Both anecdotal and research-based evidence suggests categories of internet use, whilst they cannot be linearly divided, are able to loosely


id: digital-phobic-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_phobic-2.md
category: reference
title: Digital phobic
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_phobic
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:26.516663+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: digital-phobic-20260505-0
summary:
== Education == Digital phobia has had a negative impact on the field of education. Some teachers have expressed a fear that new and advanced technology is supplanting them as the masters of their fields of study and a study of teachers in Wilmington, Delaware has shown that educators in this area are acclimating to the new technology in their classrooms at a slower pace. The local researchers believe that there are many factors why that is the case and some of the things they have found are things such as a lack of technological education by the teachers, and also the lack of time, or incentive to adjust to the new technology. University Larry Cuban has stated that "The introduction of computers into school was supposed to improve academic achievement, and alter how teachers taught. Neither has occurred." The constant infusion of new technology has many teachers fearing that they are losing their classroom. This new technology is essentially diminishing the role of a teacher in the classroom. Researchers believe that educators are slow to adapt to technology because they aren't given time to acclimate to the new technology, causing them to hesitate to use it in the classroom


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-0.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
Doina, or Doină (sometimes translated as "Lament"), is a political poem by the Romanian Mihai Eminescu. It was first published in 1883 and is therefore seen by some as Eminescu's final work in verse, although it may actually be an 1870s piece, inspired or enhanced by the perceived injustice of the Berlin Treaty. A variation of the doina (plural: doine), picked up from Romanian folklore, it is noticeably angry to the point of rhetorical violence, a radical expression of Romanian nationalism against invading "foreigners", with additional hints of ecopoetry and "anti-technicist" discourse. Doina delineates the ideal geographical space of Greater Romania, at a time when Romanian-inhabited regions were divided between an independent kingdom and multinational empires. Its final lines call on Stephen the Great, depicted as a sleeping hero, to take up the cause of Romanians and chase foreigners out with the sound of his horn. The same basic themes appear in another poem by Eminescu, the anthem-like La arme ("To Arms"), which is sometimes discussed as a variant of Doina. Expressly anti-Russian, also read as antisemitic, anti-German, anti-Greek, anti-Hungarian, and anti-Ukrainian, Doina has been described as "chauvinistic" and "minor" by some critics, "beautiful" by others. It has been present


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-1.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
A poet as well as a folklorist, Eminescu was well acquainted with the traditional forms of Romanian poetry, and wrote several poems in folkloric style—his Transylvanian enemy, Alexandru Grama, could therefore claim that Eminescu had simply plagiarized Transylvanian doine. As noted by Eminescu expert Perpessicius, one of his first published works, taken up by Familia in the 1860s, was a "type of doina" or a "pseudo-doina". Another variation on that pattern is addressed to "His Majesty, The Forest" (Codrule, Măria ta), with the poet asking to be turned into a tree branch, rocking into eternal slumber. Seen by scholars as an early draft of Doina, it was described as "hollow" and "rudimentary" by critic Constanța Marinescu. However, according to Călinescu, such works sound less "gauche" than actual folk poetry, as polished for print by Vasile Alecsandri. Contrarily, Perpessicius asserts that Eminescu was less talented that Alecsandri, never matching his work as a folklorist or folklore-inspired versifier. According to scholar Marin Bucur, Marinescu is essentially wrong in treating the draft as an actual poem, and also in failing to see why Doina itself is a worthy piece. Eminescu's interest in doine only peaked after 1877, when he was living as a


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-2.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
As argued by comparatist Călin-Andrei Mihăilescu, the poem is one of "national revival", "explosive" in "deplor[ing] the alienation of Romanians in their own lands". Doina anticipates a Greater Romania comprising all the Romanian-inhabited regions. However, as noted by the Hungarian poet Alpár Horváth, its mention of the Tisza and the Dniester contains a "geographical inaccuracy [that] causes some complications", since the two rivers are actually located close to each other at their sources: "it is confusing for conservative European ears, unsure about whether it refers to the source or the mouth of the Tisza." Literary historian Ion Buzași proposes that Eminescu may have been referencing an earlier pseudonymous work, which he attributes to Andrei Mureșanu: Literary historian John Neubauer notes Doina's "chauvinistic remarks", while Bernard Camboulives refers to its "notes of xenophobia", stemming from a "growing intellectual despair". These, Camboulives notes, "might shock those readers who are unfamiliar with Romanian history". The opening lines vaguely mention "foreigners", but the portion may refer to the situation in Eminescu's own Bukovina, specifically to relatively recent presence there of Germans, Ukrainians, and especially Bukovina Jews. The significance of the "dogs-eating-hearts" line has been a traditional topic of debate within the larger community of


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-3.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
The Bukovina themes had appeared in several Eminescu doine, notably including an 1877 stanza in which Eminescu, or his peasant inspiration, describes the region at "the mercy of the foreigner, which is like a thistle's shadow". The poetic image was apparently inspired to Eminescu by a Bukovina folk song, which has umbra spinului ("burr shadow") alongside references to the country being "riddled with foreigners"; this is fully quoted in his September 1877 article, Răpirea Bucovinei ("How They Abducted Bukovina"). The metaphor is also found in Doina, suggesting "the image of poverty sweeping over the country [...]. In times of drought, the thistle's shadow is more desolate than no shadow at all, a mock-offering to the heat-stricken people." A specific reference to the village of Boian, in Doina's ninth line, has contributed to that locality's notoriety in a Romanian cultural context. Another discernible theme is Eminescu's anger over the plight of Romanians in Russia's Bessarabia Governorate, which included the Budjak. As Irimia notes, the Austrian and Russian occupations appear as a continuum in Eminescu's lyrical universe. Bessarabia in its entirety is introduced as a Romanian grievance in the opening line—according to scholar Aurel Vasiliu, the Dniester–Tisza metonymy was first used by


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-4.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
=== Becoming a symbol === Doina was included by Titu Maiorescu in his first-ever critical edition of Eminescu's poems, published at Editura Socec as the author had withdrawn from public life. The "classic" selection and arrangement, which place Doina right before "One Wish Alone Have I", were praised by Perpessicius as particularly tactful. Nevertheless, critics were flummoxed by Maiorescu's apparent carelessness, which, in poems such as Doina, proliferated known typos. The Socec collection is known for missing an entire line of the poem, alluding to the foreigners' reliance on the "iron road". The corrected version of Doina was published in February 1884 by Maiorescu's rivals at Contemporanul. Socec itself amended the text in its revised edition of 1895. La arme remained unpublished until 1902, but was widely known through its musical adaptation by Eduard Caudella, which is probably from 1883. Caudella himself believed that the work was a suitable anthem, "the Romanians' Marseillaise". Another version, circulated in the Banat by Liviu Tempea, was sung to the tune of Chant du départ. The first use of Doina as an object of study in academia was I. Manliu's manual of poetics, published in 1890 and heavily indebted to Maiorescu's observations, closely followed


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-5.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
=== In Greater Romania === During the early stages of World War I, Romania maintained neutrality, while Transylvanian and Bukovinan Romanians were called upon to serve under arms in Austria-Hungary. At this stage, Doina could be recited in Transylvania. In June 1916, it was put to music for a theatrical performance by the Union of Romanian Women in Brașov. Two months after, the Romanian Kingdom entered World War I as an Entente country; the alliance favored the Russian Empire over Austria-Hungary, and the cause of Transylvania over that of Bessarabia. During the subsequent campaigns. La arme was a soldiers' anthem, used for instance during Nerva I. Paul's charge on German positions (October 1916), while Doina was sung by the Lăutar Cristache Ciolac as a "pitiful song of ancient woes". Driven into a war of attrition, Romania contemplated defeat in early 1918. Writing at the time in Chemarea, Benjamin Fondane reminded Iorga and other nationalists of the anti-Russian content of Doina, which, he argued, had been proven right. The following months and years saw the creation and consolidation of Greater Romania, beginning with the union of Bessarabia with Romania. The culmination of the process was a "Great Union" (December 1, 1918),


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-6.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
=== Communist censorship === In late 1944, shortly after King Michael's Coup and the onset of Soviet occupation in Romania, La arme was banned. At the time, Iron Guard commandos, supported by Nazi Germany, used Doina as a password. Under the subsequent Romanian communist regime, Doina was also targeted by political censorship: already in 1946, the quotation from Doina was removed from Schmidt-Faur's relief. The poem could not be published in Bessarabia, which was included in the Soviet Union as the Moldavian SSR. The paradox was noted by Colonel Gheorghe Eminescu, who complained that Soviet authorities had reinvented his uncle into a "Moldovan" poet while making sure that no one could access either Doina or La arme. In both countries, Doina was "banned and recited only in private readings because it named Russia as one of the imperial powers that had oppressed the Romanian nation." Also uncomfortable were its "strident nationalism" and its mention of the Dniester, "at the time in the territory of the Soviet Union." Philologist Petru Creția also argued that Doina upset the communist rulers because they themselves were mostly "foreigners [...], extremely offended by the things one read in there". In Western countries, the anti-communist Romanian


id: doina-eminescu-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)-7.md
category: reference
title: Doina (Eminescu)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doina_(Eminescu)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:27.850640+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: doina-eminescu-20260505-0
summary:
=== Recovery === Also in the 1980s, Adrian Păunescu of Cenaclul Flacăra was staging public readings of Doina in Romania. Sometimes broadcast by radio, these were also followed by Romanian activists in the Moldavian SSR. There, the poem had remained banned in the Brezhnev Era, with Nicolae Lupan threatened and ultimately expelled from the country for having circulated it. Soviet censorship was challenged by Grigore Vieru, who alluded to Doina in subversive poems such as Ridică-te ("Arise") and Eminescu—the latter includes and explicit mention: Doina mi-o furară ("They stole my Doina"). With the onset of Perestroika reforms in the Soviet republic, the magazine Nistru published all versions of Doina in its first issue of 1988, an initiative credited to poet Dumitru Matcovschi. From her home in the Latvian SSR, Maria Macovei-Briedis published the Romanian magazine Glasul, which also took up Doina in 1988. At the Eminescu centennial, some eleven months before the Romanian Revolution of 1989, Doina was publicly quoted in Ceaușescu's own address. As noted by Slama-Cazacu, this message was read out at the Romanian Athenaeum by Emil Bobu, who happened to be "one of [Ceaușescu's] least cultured ministers." At another such event in June 1989, Ceaușescu referred again


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-0.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
Existential risk from artificial intelligence, or AI x-risk, refers to the idea that substantial progress in artificial general intelligence (AGI) could lead to human extinction or an irreversible global catastrophe. One argument for the validity of this concern and the importance of this risk references how human beings dominate other species because the human brain possesses distinctive capabilities other animals lack. If AI were to surpass human intelligence and become superintelligent, it might become uncontrollable. Just as the fate of the mountain gorilla depends on human goodwill, the fate of humanity could depend on the actions of a future machine superintelligence. Experts disagree on whether artificial general intelligence (AGI) can achieve the capabilities needed for human extinction. Debates center on AGI's technical feasibility, the speed of self-improvement, and the effectiveness of alignment strategies. Concerns about superintelligence have been voiced by researchers including Geoffrey Hinton, Yoshua Bengio, Demis Hassabis, and Alan Turing, and AI company CEOs such as Dario Amodei (Anthropic), Sam Altman (OpenAI), and Elon Musk (xAI). In 2022, a survey of AI researchers with a 17% response rate found that the majority believed there is a 10 percent or greater chance that human inability to control AI will cause


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-1.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
Let an ultraintelligent machine be defined as a machine that can far surpass all the intellectual activities of any man however clever. Since the design of machines is one of these intellectual activities, an ultraintelligent machine could design even better machines; there would then unquestionably be an 'intelligence explosion', and the intelligence of man would be left far behind. Thus the first ultraintelligent machine is the last invention that man need ever make, provided that the machine is docile enough to tell us how to keep it under control. It is curious that this point is made so seldom outside of science fiction. It is sometimes worthwhile to take science fiction seriously. Scholars such as Marvin Minsky and I. J. Good himself occasionally expressed concern that a superintelligence could seize control, but issued no call to action. In 2000, computer scientist and Sun co-founder Bill Joy penned an influential essay, "Why The Future Doesn't Need Us", identifying superintelligent robots as a high-tech danger to human survival, alongside nanotechnology and engineered bioplagues. Nick Bostrom published Superintelligence in 2014, which presented his arguments that superintelligence poses an existential threat. By 2015, public figures such as physicists Stephen Hawking and Nobel laureate Frank


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-2.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
According to Bostrom, an AI that has an expert-level facility at certain key software engineering tasks could become a superintelligence due to its capability to recursively improve its own algorithms, even if it is initially limited in other domains not directly relevant to engineering. This suggests that an intelligence explosion may someday catch humanity unprepared. The economist Robin Hanson has said that, to launch an intelligence explosion, an AI must become vastly better at software innovation than the rest of the world combined, which he finds implausible. In a "fast takeoff" scenario, the transition from AGI to superintelligence could take days or months. In a "slow takeoff", it could take years or decades, leaving more time for society to prepare. ==== Alien mind ==== Superintelligences are sometimes called "alien minds", referring to the idea that their way of thinking and motivations could be vastly different from ours. This is generally considered as a source of risk, making it more difficult to anticipate what a superintelligence might do. It also suggests the possibility that a superintelligence may not particularly value humans by default. To avoid anthropomorphism, superintelligence is sometimes viewed as a powerful optimizer that makes the best decisions to achieve


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-3.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
An existential risk is "one that threatens the premature extinction of Earth-originating intelligent life or the permanent and drastic destruction of its potential for desirable future development". Besides extinction risk, there is the risk that the civilization gets permanently locked into a flawed future. One example is a "value lock-in": If humanity still has moral blind spots similar to slavery in the past, AI might irreversibly entrench it, preventing moral progress. AI could also be used to spread and preserve the set of values of whoever develops it. AI could facilitate large-scale surveillance and indoctrination, which could be used to create a stable repressive worldwide totalitarian regime. Atoosa Kasirzadeh proposes to classify existential risks from AI into two categories: decisive and accumulative. Decisive risks encompass the potential for abrupt and catastrophic events resulting from the emergence of superintelligent AI systems that exceed human intelligence, which could ultimately lead to human extinction. In contrast, accumulative risks emerge gradually through a series of interconnected disruptions that may gradually erode societal structures and resilience over time, ultimately leading to a critical failure or collapse. It is difficult or impossible to reliably evaluate whether an advanced AI is sentient and to what degree. But


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-4.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
As AI systems increase in capabilities, the potential dangers associated with experimentation grow. This makes iterative, empirical approaches increasingly risky. If instrumental goal convergence occurs, it may only do so in sufficiently intelligent agents. A superintelligence may find unconventional and radical solutions to assigned goals. Bostrom gives the example that if the objective is to make humans smile, a weak AI may perform as intended, while a superintelligence may decide a better solution is to "take control of the world and stick electrodes into the facial muscles of humans to cause constant, beaming grins." A superintelligence in creation could gain some awareness of what it is, where it is in development (training, testing, deployment, etc.), and how it is being monitored, and use this information to deceive its handlers. Bostrom writes that such an AI could feign alignment to prevent human interference until it achieves a "decisive strategic advantage" that allows it to take control. Analyzing the internals and interpreting the behavior of LLMs is difficult. And it could be even more difficult for larger and more intelligent models. Alternatively, some find reason to believe superintelligences would be better able to understand morality, human values, and complex goals. Bostrom writes,


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-5.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
Bostrom and others have said that a race to be the first to create AGI could lead to shortcuts in safety, or even to violent conflict. Roman Yampolskiy and others warn that a malevolent AGI could be created by design, for example by a military, a government, a sociopath, or a corporation, to benefit from, control, or subjugate certain groups of people, as in cybercrime, or that a malevolent AGI could choose the goal of increasing human suffering, for example of those people who did not assist it during the information explosion phase.:158 A report by the research group Forethought argued that advanced AI systems could cause political instability by enabling novel methods of performing coups. == Empirical research == A December 2024 study by Apollo Research found that advanced LLMs like OpenAI o1 sometimes deceive in order to accomplish their goal, to prevent them from being changed, or to ensure their deployment. Forms of deception observed in the experimental environment and scenarios included sandbagging, oversight subversion (disabling monitoring mechanisms), self-exfiltration (copying themselves to other systems), goal-guarding (altering future system prompts), and covert email reranking (manipulating data processing while appearing to follow instructions). Researchers noted that OpenAI o1 still lacked


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-6.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
Concern over risk from artificial intelligence has led to some high-profile donations and investments. In 2015, Peter Thiel, Amazon Web Services, Musk, and others jointly committed $1 billion to OpenAI, consisting of a for-profit corporation and the nonprofit parent company, which says it aims to champion responsible AI development. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz has funded and seeded multiple labs working on AI Alignment, notably $5.5 million in 2016 to launch the Centre for Human-Compatible AI led by Professor Stuart Russell. In January 2015, Elon Musk donated $10 million to the Future of Life Institute to fund research on understanding AI decision making. The institute's goal is to "grow wisdom with which we manage" the growing power of technology. Musk also funds companies developing artificial intelligence such as DeepMind and Vicarious to "just keep an eye on what's going on with artificial intelligence, saying "I think there is potentially a dangerous outcome there." In early statements on the topic, Geoffrey Hinton, a major pioneer of deep learning, noted that "there is not a good track record of less intelligent things controlling things of greater intelligence", but said he continued his research because "the prospect of discovery is too sweet". In 2023


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-7.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
Many scholars concerned about AGI existential risk believe that extensive research into the "control problem" is essential. This problem involves determining which safeguards, algorithms, or architectures can be implemented to increase the likelihood that a recursively-improving AI remains friendly after achieving superintelligence. Social measures are also proposed to mitigate AGI risks, such as a UN-sponsored "Benevolent AGI Treaty" to ensure that only altruistic AGIs are created. Additionally, an arms control approach and a global peace treaty grounded in international relations theory have been suggested, potentially for an artificial superintelligence to be a signatory. Researchers at Google have proposed research into general AI safety issues to simultaneously mitigate both short-term risks from narrow AI and long-term risks from AGI. A 2020 estimate places global spending on AI existential risk somewhere between $10 and $50 million, compared with global spending on AI around perhaps $40 billion. Bostrom suggests prioritizing funding for protective technologies over potentially dangerous ones. Some, like Elon Musk, advocate radical human cognitive enhancement, such as direct neural linking between humans and machines; others argue that these technologies may pose an existential risk themselves. Another proposed method is closely monitoring or "boxing in" an early-stage AI to prevent it from


id: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-8
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence-8.md
category: reference
title: Existential risk from artificial intelligence
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Existential_risk_from_artificial_intelligence
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:29.028395+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: existential-risk-from-artificial-intelligence-20260505-0
summary:
Under the framework of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, states have discussed lethal autonomous weapon systems since 2014. In 2016, the treaty's parties established an open-ended Group of Governmental Experts on Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems to continue those discussions. The discussions have addressed international humanitarian law, accountability, possible prohibitions and regulations, and the extent of human control required over AI-enabled weapons. In March 2023, the Future of Life Institute drafted Pause Giant AI Experiments: An Open Letter, a petition calling on major AI developers to agree on a verifiable six-month pause of any systems "more powerful than GPT-4" and to use that time to institute a framework for ensuring safety; or, failing that, for governments to step in with a moratorium. The letter referred to the possibility of "a profound change in the history of life on Earth" as well as potential risks of AI-generated propaganda, loss of jobs, human obsolescence, and society-wide loss of control. The letter was signed by prominent personalities in AI but also criticized for not focusing on current harms, missing technical nuance about when to pause, or not going far enough. Such concerns have led to the creation of PauseAI, an advocacy group organizing


id: frankenstein-complex-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frankenstein_complex-0.md
category: reference
title: Frankenstein complex
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frankenstein_complex
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:30.213165+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: frankenstein-complex-20260505-0
summary:
The Frankenstein complex is a term coined by Isaac Asimov in his robot series, referring to the fear of mechanical men. == History == Some of Asimov's science fiction short stories and novels predict that this suspicion will become strongest and most widespread in respect of "mechanical men" that most-closely resemble human beings (see android), but it is also present on a lower level against robots that are plainly electromechanical automatons. The "Frankenstein complex" is similar in many respects to Masahiro Mori's uncanny valley hypothesis. The name, "Frankenstein complex", is derived from the name of Victor Frankenstein in the 1818 novel Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus by Mary Shelley. In Shelley's story, Frankenstein created an intelligent, somewhat superhuman being, but he finds that his creation is horrifying to behold and abandons it. This ultimately leads to Victor's death at the conclusion of a vendetta between himself and his creation. In much of his fiction, Asimov depicts the general attitude of the public towards robots as negative, with ordinary people fearing that robots will either replace them or dominate them, although dominance would not be allowed under the specifications of the Three Laws of Robotics, the first of which is: "A


id: industrial-society-and-its-future-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future-0.md
category: reference
title: Industrial Society and Its Future
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:31.370948+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: industrial-society-and-its-future-20260505-0
summary:
Industrial Society and Its Future, also known as the Unabomber Manifesto, is a 1995 anti-technology essay by Ted Kaczynski. The manifesto contends that the Industrial Revolution began a harmful process of natural destruction brought about by technology, while forcing humans to adapt to machinery, creating a sociopolitical order that suppresses human potential and freedom. The roughly 35,000-word manifesto formed the ideological foundation of Kaczynski's 1978–1995 mail bomb campaign, designed to protect wilderness by hastening the collapse of industrial society. The manifesto states that the public largely accepts individual technological advancements as purely positive without accounting for their overall effect, including the erosion of local and individual freedom and autonomy. It was printed in September 1995 in a special supplement to The Washington Post after Kaczynski offered to suspend his bombing campaign if his manifesto was widely circulated. Attorney General Janet Reno authorized the printing to help the FBI identify the author. The printing of, and publicity around, the manifesto eclipsed the bombings in notoriety and led to the identification of the Unabomber by Ted's brother David Kaczynski and his wife. == Impact == While Kaczynski's actions were generally condemned, his manifesto expressed ideas that continue to be generally shared among


id: industrial-society-and-its-future-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future-1.md
category: reference
title: Industrial Society and Its Future
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:31.370948+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: industrial-society-and-its-future-20260505-0
summary:
=== Influences === Industrial Society and Its Future echoes contemporary critics of technology and industrialization such as John Zerzan, Jacques Ellul, Rachel Carson, Lewis Mumford, and E. F. Schumacher. Its idea of the "disruption of the power process" similarly echoed social critics who emphasize that the lack of meaningful work is a primary cause of social problems, including Mumford, Paul Goodman, and Eric Hoffer. Aldous Huxley addressed its general theme in Brave New World, to which Kaczynski refers in his text. Kaczynski's ideas of "oversocialization" and "surrogate activities" recall Sigmund Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and its theories of rationalization and sublimation (a term which Kaczynski uses three times to describe "surrogate activities"). However, a 2021 study by Sean Fleming shows that many of these similarities are coincidental. Kaczynski had not read Lewis Mumford, Paul Goodman, or John Zerzan until after he submitted Industrial Society and Its Future to The New York Times and The Washington Post. There is no evidence that he read Freud, Carson, or Schumacher. Instead, Fleming argues, Industrial Society and Its Future "is a synthesis of ideas from [...] French philosopher Jacques Ellul, British zoologist Desmond Morris, and American psychologist Martin Seligman." Kaczynski's understanding of technology,


id: industrial-society-and-its-future-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future-2.md
category: reference
title: Industrial Society and Its Future
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:31.370948+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: industrial-society-and-its-future-20260505-0
summary:
We give up a piece of ourselves whenever we adjust to conform to society's standards. That, and we're too plugged in. We're letting technology take over our lives, willingly. In 2018, New York magazine stated that the manifesto generated later interest from environmentalists, and anarcho-primitivists. In December 2020, a man who was arrested at Charleston International Airport on a charge of "conveying false information regarding attempted use of a destructive device" after he falsely threatened that he had a bomb, was found to have been carrying the Unabomber manifesto. Although Kaczynski himself described fascism as "evil", the manifesto is popular among Ecofascists. According to Professor Michael Loadenthal there has been “Siege-ification of the deep green” and Industrial Society and Its Future is widely shared in the Terrorgram community. The suspect in the killing of Brian Thompson, Luigi Mangione, was suspected by the police to have been inspired by the manifesto. Mangione had posted a Goodreads review of the manifesto, giving four stars out of five, however also describing Kaczynski as "rightfully imprisoned" and criticizing his use of violence against innocent individuals. === Reprints and further work === Feral House republished the manifesto in Kaczynski's first book, the 2010 Technological Slavery,


id: luddite-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite-0.md
category: reference
title: Luddite
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:32.609938+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: luddite-20260505-0
summary:
The Luddites were members of a 19th-century movement of English textile workers who opposed the use of certain types of automated machinery due to concerns relating to worker pay and output quality. They often destroyed the machines in organised raids. Members of the group referred to themselves as Luddites, self-described followers of "Ned Ludd", a legendary weaver whose name was used as a pseudonym in threatening letters to mill owners and government officials. The Luddite movement began in Nottingham, England, and spread to the North West and Yorkshire between 1811 and 1816. Mill and factory owners took to shooting protesters and eventually the movement was suppressed by legal and military force, which included execution and penal transportation of accused and convicted Luddites. Over time, the term has been used to refer to those opposed to the introduction of new technologies. == Etymology == The name Luddite ( LUD-ite) occurs in the movement's writings as early as 1811. The movement utilised the eponym of Ned Ludd, an apocryphal apprentice who allegedly smashed two stocking frames in 1779 after being criticised and instructed to change his method. The name often appears as Captain, General, or King Ludd. Different versions of the legends


id: luddite-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite-1.md
category: reference
title: Luddite
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:32.609938+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: luddite-20260505-0
summary:
The Luddite movement emerged during the harsh economic climate of the Napoleonic Wars, which saw a rise in difficult working conditions in the new textile factories paired with decreasing birth rates and a rise in education standards in England and Wales. Luddites were not opposed to the use of machines per se (many were skilled operators in the textile industry); they attacked manufacturers who were trying to circumvent standard labour practices of the time. The movement began in Arnold, Nottinghamshire, on 11 March 1811 and spread rapidly throughout England over the following two years. The British economy suffered greatly in 1810 to 1812, especially in terms of high unemployment and inflation. The causes included the high cost of the wars with Napoleon, Napoleon's Continental System of economic warfare, and escalating conflict with the United States. The crisis led to widespread protest and violence, but the middle classes and upper classes strongly supported the government, which used the army to suppress all working-class unrest, especially the Luddite movement. The Luddites met at night on the moors surrounding industrial towns to practise military-like drills and manoeuvres. Their main areas of operation began in Nottinghamshire in November 1811, followed by the West Riding


id: luddite-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite-2.md
category: reference
title: Luddite
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:32.609938+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: luddite-20260505-0
summary:
== Legacy == The Luddites (specifically the croppers, those who operated cropping machinery) are memorialised in the Yorkshire-area folk song "The Cropper Lads", which has been recorded by artists including Lou Killen and Maddy Prior. The croppers were very highly skilled and highly paid before the introduction of cropping machinery, and thus had more to lose and more reason to rebel against the factory owners' use of machinery. Another traditional song which celebrates the Luddites is the song "The Triumph of General Ludd", which was recorded by Chumbawamba for their 1988 album English Rebel Songs. == Modern usage == Nowadays, the term "Luddite" is often used to describe someone who either opposes or is resistant to the use of new technologies. In 1956, during a British Parliamentary debate, a Labour spokesman said that "organised workers were by no means wedded to a 'Luddite Philosophy'." By 2006, the term neo-Luddism had emerged to describe opposition to many forms of technology. According to a manifesto drawn up by the Second Luddite Congress (April 1996; Barnesville, Ohio), neo-Luddism is "a leaderless movement of passive resistance to consumerism and the increasingly bizarre and frightening technologies of the Computer Age". The term "Luddite fallacy" is


id: luddite-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite-3.md
category: reference
title: Luddite
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luddite
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:32.609938+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: luddite-20260505-0
summary:
== Further reading == Anderson, Gary M.; Tollison, Robert D. (1986). "Luddism as cartel enforcement". Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics (JITE)/Zeitschrift für die gesamte Staatswissenschaft. 142 (4): 727–738. JSTOR 40750927. Archer, John E. (2000). "Chapter 4: Industrial Protest". Social unrest and popular protest in England, 1780–1840. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-57656-7. Bailey, Brian J. (1998). The Luddite Rebellion. NYU Press. ISBN 0-8147-1335-1. Darvall, F. (1934). Popular Disturbances and Public Order in Regency England. Oxford University Press. Dinwiddy, John (1979). "Luddism and politics in the northern counties". Social History. 4 (1): 33–63. doi:10.1080/03071027908567438. Fox, Nicols (2003). Against the Machine: The Hidden Luddite History in Literature, Art, and Individual Lives. Island Press. ISBN 1-55963-860-5. Grint, Keith; Woolgar, Steve (1997). "The Luddites: Diablo ex Machina". The machine at work: technology, work, and organization. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-7456-0924-9. Haywood, Ian (2006). "Unruly People: The Spectacular Riot". Bloody Romanticism. London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 181–222. Horn, Jeff (2015). "Machine-Breaking and the 'Threat from Below' in Great Britain and France during the Early Industrial Revolution". Crowd actions in Britain and France from the middle ages to the modern world. London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 165–178. Linebaugh, Peter (2012). Ned Ludd & Queen Mab: machine-breaking, romanticism, and the several


id: neo-luddism-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-Luddism-0.md
category: reference
title: Neo-Luddism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-Luddism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:33.806866+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: neo-luddism-20260505-0
summary:
Neo-Luddism or new Luddism is a philosophy opposing many forms of modern technology. The term Luddite is generally used as a pejorative applied to people showing technophobic leanings. The name is based on the historical legacy of the English Luddites, who were active between 1811 and 1817. While the original Luddites were mostly concerned with the economic implications of improving technology in regard to industrialization, neo-Luddites tend to have a broader and more holistic distrust of technological improvement. Neo-Luddism is a leaderless movement of non-affiliated groups that resist modern technologies and dictate a return of some or all technologies to a more primitive level. Neo-Luddites are characterized by one or more of the following practices: passively abandoning the use of technology, protesting technology harmful to the environment, advocating simple living, or sabotaging technology. The modern neo-Luddite movement has connections with the anti-globalization movement, anarcho-primitivism, radical environmentalism, and deep ecology. Neo-Luddism is based on the concern of the technological impact on individuals, their communities, and/or the environment. Neo-Luddism stipulates the use of the precautionary principle for all new technologies, insisting that technologies be proven safe before adoption, due to the unknown effects that new technologies might inspire. == Philosophy == In


id: neo-luddism-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-Luddism-1.md
category: reference
title: Neo-Luddism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-Luddism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:33.806866+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: neo-luddism-20260505-0
summary:
In May 2012, credit for the shooting of Roberto Adinolfi, an Ansaldo Nucleare executive, was claimed by an anarchist group who targeted him for stating that none of the deaths following the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami were caused by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster itself: Adinolfi knows well that it is only a matter of time before a European Fukushima kills on our continent [...] Science in centuries past promised us a golden age, but it is pushing us towards self destruction and slavery [...] With our action we give back to you a small part of the suffering that you scientists are bringing to the world. The American terrorist Ted Kaczynski, also known as the Unabomber, initially sabotaged developments near his cabin but dedicated himself to getting back at the system after discovering a road had been built over a plateau he had considered beautiful. Between 1978 and 1995, Kaczynski engaged in a nationwide bombing campaign against modern technology, planting or mailing numerous home-made bombs, killing three people and injuring 23 others. In his 1995 work Industrial Society and Its Future, Kaczynski states: The kind of revolution we have in mind will not necessarily involve an armed uprising


id: road-to-nowhere-book-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Road_to_Nowhere_(book)-0.md
category: reference
title: Road to Nowhere (book)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Road_to_Nowhere_(book)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:34.981524+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: road-to-nowhere-book-20260505-0
summary:
Road to Nowhere: What Silicon Valley Gets Wrong about the Future of Transportation is a 2022 non-fiction book by Canadian author Paris Marx. == Summary == The book covers a number of emerging technologies in mass transportation, particularly those that have been widely advocated for by corporations in Silicon Valley, such as ridesharing companies, electric cars, and the Hyperloop. Analysing those technologies, Marx criticises the vision of transportation put forward by Silicon Valley corporations, saying that they fail to resolve many of the issues facing mass transportation, such as environmental and cost-of-living concerns. Marx further advocates for a greater emphasis on collective methods to tackle those issues instead, including public transportation and more democratic urban planning. == Reception == Alastair Dalton of The Scotsman said the book offers "a nightmarish vision of the direction in which technology is taking transport" and "underlines the extraordinary toll exacted by motor vehicles." Rob Larson of Jacobin noted that there were some relevant topics that Marx failed to discuss, namely the use of private jets, but that the book was a "fun read" that "pairs brutally realistic analysis with a consummately Canadian level of indictment." Matthew James Seidel of Protean Magazine described the book


id: ship-of-fools-short-story-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ship_of_Fools_(short_story)-0.md
category: reference
title: Ship of Fools (short story)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ship_of_Fools_(short_story)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:36.151216+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: ship-of-fools-short-story-20260505-0
summary:
"Ship of Fools" is a 1999 short story by Ted Kaczynski. The story is a parable demonstrating Kaczynski's views that identity politics within liberalism is a distraction from the issue of climate apocalypse and that revolutionary violence is justified. == About == "Ship of Fools" was written for Off!, a student magazine at State University of New York (SUNY) in Binghamton, New York. It was written at the request of Tom LaPietra, a student at SUNY. The story also appeared on the website for Context Books. It is 11 pages long. Kaczynski wrote the parable from prison. The short story is about a ship that is headed north to the Arctic Ocean. Despite the presence of dangerous icebergs, the crew pay no attention to the wellbeing of the ship as they are too busy arguing among themselves about various injustices. The crew includes a Mexican sailor, a Native American sailor, a gay bosun, an animal rights activist, and a female passenger. The Mexican sailor asks for equal pay, the Native American sailor asks for reparations for losing his ancestral land, the gay bosun objects to homophobic slurs and asks for the "right to suck cocks without being called names for


id: sonnet-to-science-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sonnet_to_Science-0.md
category: reference
title: Sonnet to Science
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sonnet_to_Science
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:37.343966+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: sonnet-to-science-20260505-0
summary:
"Sonnet to Science" (originally "Sonnet — To Science") is an 1829 poem by Edgar Allan Poe, published in Al Aaraaf, Tamerlane, and Minor Poems. == Summary == Poe asks why science preys on the poet. Science is peering, destructive and interested only in cold realities. It will not allow the poet to soar in fantasy or even to sit peacefully dreaming beneath a tree. == Publication history == In mid-November 1829, Poe agreed with the Baltimore firm Hatch and Dunning to publish his second volume of poetry, entitled Al Aaraaf, Tamerlane, and Minor Poems. This volume was the first instance in which Poe published his verse under his own name as opposed to his first publication, Tamerlane and Other Poems, which was only attributed to “a Bostonian”. A later published version of this poem includes the following note, “Private reasons—some of which have reference to the sin of plagiarism, and other to the date of Tennyson’s first poems—have induced me, after some hesitation, to re-publish these, the crude compositions of my earliest boyhood. They are printed verbatim—without alteration from the original edition—the date of which is too remote to be judiciously acknowledged.” == References == == External links == An


id: technological-slavery-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technological_Slavery-0.md
category: reference
title: Technological Slavery
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technological_Slavery
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:39.612714+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: technological-slavery-20260505-0
summary:
Technological Slavery (published in its first edition as The Road to Revolution) is a 2008 non-fiction book by the American Theodore Kaczynski, also known as the Unabomber, that expands on his personal philosophy and beliefs regarding technology and freedom. == Summary == In it, Kaczynski continues the critique of modern technological society that he began with his 1995 manifesto, Industrial Society and Its Future. The book serves as a compendium of his thoughts and philosophies on technology, freedom, and the impacts of societal progression on individual autonomy. The book includes Kaczynski's correspondence with various intellectuals, his responses to criticism, and further elaboration on the themes of technological dominance and its opposition. It has been a subject of considerable debate and analysis within academic and technological ethics circles. == Publication history == The first edition was published in 2008 by the French publishing company Editions Xenia under the title The Road to Revolution. The second edition was published with the new title Technological Slavery: The Collected Writings of Theodore J. Kaczynski, a.k.a. "The Unabomber" in 2010 by the American publishing company Feral House; the contents of this edition remained the same as the 2008 edition. The third edition was published as


id: technological-slavery-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technological_Slavery-1.md
category: reference
title: Technological Slavery
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technological_Slavery
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:39.612714+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: technological-slavery-20260505-0
summary:
=== Postscript to "Industrial Society and Its Future" === The postscript to the manifesto is dated 2007. In it, Kaczynski addresses in brief the criticisms the manifesto received after its publication, as well as its significance. Kaczynski answers the claim that the manifesto is "unoriginal" by stating it was never intended to be original. Its purpose was "to set forth certain points about modern technology in clear and relatively brief form". Kaczynski then claims that the claim of originality or unoriginality is irrelevant to the problem of modern technology, which is of paramount importance. Kaczynski claims that many intellectuals would not deny that there is a technology problem, but that they universally refuse to discuss it. The technology problem is "simply ignored". As with the manifesto, Kaczynski states that no claims of originality are made for the book itself; though Kaczynski suggests that his originality stems from his approach to revolution as a practical possibility to solve the problem of modern technology. Some serious thinkers have suggested revolution as an approach to take, such as Jacques Ellul in his book Autopsy of a Revolution, but the kind of revolution envisioned by Ellul is "vague" and "spiritual" according to Kaczynski, whereas


id: a-thing-about-machines-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Thing_About_Machines-0.md
category: reference
title: A Thing About Machines
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Thing_About_Machines
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:40.797620+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: a-thing-about-machines-20260505-0
summary:
"A Thing About Machines" is episode 40 of the American television anthology series The Twilight Zone. It originally aired on October 28, 1960, on CBS. == Opening narration == This is Mr. Bartlett Finchley, age forty-eight, a practicing sophisticate who writes very special and very precious things for gourmet magazines and the like. He's a bachelor and a recluse with few friends, only devotees and adherents to the cause of tart sophistry. He has no interests save whatever current annoyances he can put his mind to. He has no purpose to his life except the formulation of day-to-day opportunities to vent his wrath on mechanical contrivances of an age he abhors. In short, Mr. Bartlett Finchley is a malcontent, born either too late or too early in the century, and who, in just a moment, will enter a realm where muscles and the will to fight back are not limited to human beings. Next stop for Mr. Bartlett Finchley - The Twilight Zone. == Plot == Lonely, ill-tempered gourmet magazine critic and misanthrope Bartlett Finchley berates a repairman after the latter fixes his television and tells him to stop abusing his appliances over mild inconveniences. Believing the machines are conspiring


id: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley-0.md
category: reference
title: Uncanny valley
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:41.964000+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
summary:
The uncanny valley effect is a hypothesized psychological and aesthetic relation between an object's degree of resemblance to a human being and the emotional response to the object. The uncanny valley hypothesis predicts that an entity appearing almost human will elicit uncanny or eerie feelings in viewers. Examples of the phenomenon exist among robots, animatronics, and lifelike dolls as well as visuals produced by 3D computer animation and predominately artificial intelligence. The increasing prevalence of digital technologies (e.g., virtual reality, augmented reality, and photorealistic computer animation) and their increasing verisimilitude have prompted debate about "the valley." == Etymology == As related to robotics engineering, robotics professor Masahiro Mori first introduced the concept in 1970 from his book titled Bukimi No Tani (不気味の谷), phrasing it as bukimi no tani genshō (不気味の谷現象; lit. 'uncanny valley phenomenon'). Bukimi no tani was translated literally as uncanny valley in the 1978 book Robots: Fact, Fiction, and Prediction written by Jasia Reichardt. Over time, this translation created an unintended association of the concept to Ernst Jentsch's psychoanalytic concept of the uncanny established in his 1906 essay "On the Psychology of the Uncanny" (German: Zur Psychologie des Unheimlichen), which was then critiqued and extended in Sigmund Freud's


id: uncanny-valley-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley-1.md
category: reference
title: Uncanny valley
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:41.964000+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
summary:
Mate selection: Automatic, stimulus-driven appraisals of uncanny stimuli elicit aversion by activating an evolved cognitive mechanism for the avoidance of selecting mates with low fertility, poor hormonal health, or ineffective immune systems based on visible features of the face and body that are predictive of those traits. Mortality salience: Viewing an "uncanny" robot elicits an innate fear of death and culturally supported defenses for coping with death's inevitability.... [P]artially disassembled androids...play on subconscious fears of reduction, replacement, and annihilation: (1) A mechanism with a human façade and a mechanical interior plays on our subconscious fear that we are all just soulless machines. (2) Androids in various states of mutilation, decapitation, or disassembly are reminiscent of a battlefield after a conflict and, as such, serve as a reminder of our mortality. (3) Since most androids are copies of actual people, they are doppelgängers and may elicit a fear of being replaced, on the job, in a relationship, and so on. (4) The jerkiness of an android's movements could be unsettling because it elicits a fear of losing bodily control. Pathogen avoidance: Uncanny stimuli may activate a cognitive mechanism that originally evolved to motivate the avoidance of potential sources of pathogens by


id: uncanny-valley-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley-2.md
category: reference
title: Uncanny valley
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:41.964000+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
summary:
=== Research === A series of studies experimentally investigated whether uncanny valley effects exist for static images of robot faces. Mathur MB & Reichling DB used two complementary sets of stimuli spanning the range from very mechanical to very human-like: first, a sample of 80 objectively chosen robot face images from Internet searches, and second, a morphometrically and graphically controlled 6-face series set of faces. They asked subjects to explicitly rate the likability of each face. To measure trust toward each face, subjects completed an investment game to measure indirectly how much money they were willing to "wager" on a robot's trustworthiness. Both stimulus sets showed a robust uncanny valley effect on explicitly rated likability and a more context-dependent uncanny valley on implicitly rated trust. Their exploratory analysis of one proposed mechanism for the uncanny valley, perceptual confusion at a category boundary, found that category confusion occurs in the uncanny valley but does not mediate the effect on social and emotional responses. One study conducted in 2009 examined the evolutionary mechanism behind the aversion associated with the uncanny valley. A group of five monkeys were shown three images: two different 3D monkey faces (realistic, unrealistic), and a real photo of


id: uncanny-valley-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley-3.md
category: reference
title: Uncanny valley
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:41.964000+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
summary:
Design elements should match in human realism. A robot may look uncanny when human and nonhuman elements are mixed. For example, both a robot with a synthetic voice or a human being with a human voice have been found to be less eerie than a robot with a human voice or a human being with a synthetic voice. For a robot to give a more positive impression, its degree of human realism in appearance should also match its degree of human realism in behavior. If an animated character looks more human than its movement, this gives a negative impression. Human neuroimaging studies also indicate matching appearance and motion kinematics are important. Reducing conflict and uncertainty by matching appearance, behavior, and ability. In terms of performance, if a robot looks too appliance-like, people expect little from it; if it looks too human, people expect too much from it. A highly human-like appearance leads to an expectation that certain behaviors are present, such as humanlike motion dynamics. This likely operates at a sub-conscious level and may have a biological basis. Neuroscientists have noted "when the brain's expectations are not met, the brain...generates a 'prediction error'. As human-like artificial agents become more commonplace,


id: uncanny-valley-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley-4.md
category: reference
title: Uncanny valley
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:41.964000+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
summary:
The expression of this [Trigonocephalus] snake's face was hideous and fierce; the pupil consisted of a vertical slit in a mottled and coppery iris; the jaws were broad at the base, and the nose terminated in a triangular projection. I do not think I ever saw anything more ugly, excepting, perhaps, some of the vampire bats. I imagine this repulsive aspect originates from the features being placed in positions, with respect to each other, somewhat proportional to the human face; and thus we obtain a scale of hideousness. A similar "uncanny valley" effect could, according to the ethical-futurist writer Jamais Cascio, show up when humans begin modifying themselves with transhuman enhancements (cf. body modification), which aim to improve the abilities of the human body beyond what would normally be possible, be it eyesight, muscle strength, or cognition. So long as these enhancements remain within a perceived norm of human behavior, a negative reaction is unlikely, but once individuals supplant normal human variety, revulsion can be expected. However, according to this theory, once such technologies gain further distance from human norms, "transhuman" individuals would cease to be judged on human levels and instead be regarded as separate entities altogether (this point


id: uncanny-valley-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley-5.md
category: reference
title: Uncanny valley
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uncanny_valley
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:41.964000+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: uncanny-valley-20260505-0
summary:
=== Virtual actors === An increasingly common practice is to feature virtual actors in movies: CGI likenesses of real actors used because the original actor either looks too old for the part or is deceased. Sometimes a virtual actor is created with involvement from the original actor (who may contribute motion capture, audio, etc.), while at other times the actor has no involvement. Reviewers have often criticized the use of virtual actors for its uncanny valley effect, saying it adds an eerie feeling to the movie. Examples of virtual actors that have received such criticism include replicas of Arnold Schwarzenegger in Terminator Salvation (2009) and Terminator Genisys (2015), Jeff Bridges in Tron: Legacy (2010), Peter Cushing and Carrie Fisher in Rogue One (2016), and Will Smith in Gemini Man (2019). == See also == == References == === Citations === === General and cited sources === == External links == Miklósi, Ádám; Korondi, Péter; Matellán, Vicente; Gácsi, Márta (2017). "Ethorobotics: A New Approach to Human-Robot Relationship". Frontiers in Psychology. 8 958. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00958. PMC 5465277. PMID 28649213. Your Brain on Androids UCSD news release about human brain and the uncanny valley. Views on the Uncanny Valley Almost too human and lifelike


id: westworld-season-1-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_1-0.md
category: reference
title: Westworld season 1
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_1
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:43.213182+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: westworld-season-1-20260505-0
summary:
The first season of the American science fiction western television series Westworld, subtitled The Maze, premiered on HBO on October 2, 2016, and concluded on December 4, 2016, consisting of ten episodes. The television series was created by Jonathan Nolan and Lisa Joy, and it is based on the 1973 film of the same name, written and directed by Michael Crichton. The first season stars an ensemble cast led by Evan Rachel Wood, Thandiwe Newton, Jeffrey Wright, James Marsden, Ed Harris, and Anthony Hopkins. The first season received critical acclaim, with particular praise for the visuals, story, and performances. The series received seven nominations at the 69th Primetime Emmy Awards, including for Outstanding Drama Series; however, the series did not win in any category. == Plot summary == Westworld's co-founder Robert Ford implements a change in the hosts' programming ostensibly as part of a new narrative for the park, but meant to encourage the park's oldest operating host, Dolores Abernathy, to find the proverbial "center of the maze", which represents the ability to achieve sentience. Host sentience was the goal of deceased co-founder Arnold Weber and later, Ford himself. Other hosts are affected by this change, creating confusion among the


id: westworld-season-1-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_1-1.md
category: reference
title: Westworld season 1
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_1
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:43.213182+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: westworld-season-1-20260505-0
summary:
On December 29, 2014, Ramin Djawadi was selected to be the composer of the show, having previously worked with Jonathan Nolan on the American series Person of Interest. For the creation of the main theme, Djawadi blended the use of bass notes, light arpeggios and melody, hoping to complement the idea of an amusement park as the show's main theme. While the soundtrack featured original songs for the show, Djawadi also composed covers of several popular songs for player piano and strings. The songs that are covered for the soundtrack are Radiohead's "No Surprises", "Fake Plastic Trees", "Motion Picture Soundtrack" and "Exit Music (For a Film)"; Soundgarden's "Black Hole Sun"; The Rolling Stones' "Paint It Black"; Claude Debussy's "Reverie for piano, L.68"; "A Forest" by The Cure; The Animals' version of "The House of the Rising Sun"; Amy Winehouse's "Back to Black", and Nine Inch Nails' "Something I Can Never Have". The soundtrack was released on December 5, 2016. == Reception == === Critical response === Reception of the first season has been largely positive, with particular praise for the visuals, story, and performances. On the review aggregation site Rotten Tomatoes, the first season has an approval rating of 87%


id: westworld-season-2-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_2-0.md
category: reference
title: Westworld season 2
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_2
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:44.516823+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: westworld-season-2-20260505-0
summary:
The second season of the American science fiction western television series Westworld, subtitled The Door, premiered on HBO on April 22, 2018, and concluded on June 24, 2018, consisting of ten episodes. The television series was created by Jonathan Nolan and Lisa Joy, and it is based on the 1973 film of the same name, written and directed by Michael Crichton. The second season stars an ensemble cast led by Evan Rachel Wood, Thandiwe Newton, Jeffrey Wright, James Marsden, Tessa Thompson, and Ed Harris. The second season has received positive reviews from critics, with particular praise for the performances. However, it received criticism for its plot, which was said to be confusing. == Plot summary == After killing Dr. Ford at the end of season one, Dolores converts and leads the other hosts in killing many of the other guests in the few weeks that follow. She seeks to find a way to get out of the park to continue her revenge, and knows she must recover her father Peter's "pearl" to do so and unlock Westworld's true secrets with it. Charlotte Hale, who was attempting to smuggle Westworld data through Peter, also seeks the host as she cannot call


id: westworld-season-2-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_2-1.md
category: reference
title: Westworld season 2
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westworld_season_2
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:44.516823+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: westworld-season-2-20260505-0
summary:
Critics received the first five episodes of the season as screeners before the first episode premiered. In a positive review for San Francisco Chronicle, David Wiegand wrote, "there is plenty of action and violence in the first half of the season, but what will empower the show's longevity is its metaphysical theme, the exploration of the meaning and definition of human existence." Rob Owen of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette also praised the series, saying, "It takes a bit for Westworld to get back up to full steam, but by episode three (five hours were made available to TV critics), this futuristic, violent drama returns to fine form, introducing new parts of the park (Shogun World!), new characters and apparently new technology goals on the part of Delos, the corporation that owns Westworld." Journalist Lorraine Ali of the Los Angeles Times said, "It's poised to be a intellectually stimulating and emotionally bumpy ride, where the very concept of your existence becomes the stuff of high-brow entertainment and low-bar thrills." The New York Times TV critic James Poniewozik quipped, "don't expect too much improvement too fast from Westworld 2.0. It's still overly focused on balletic blood baths and narrative fake-outs, and much of


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-0.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
Anti-vaccine activism, which collectively constitutes the "anti-vax" or "anti-vaxx" movement, is a set of organized activities expressing opposition to vaccination. These collaborating networks often seek to increase vaccine hesitancy by disseminating vaccine misinformation and disinformation. As a social movement, it employs tools ranging from traditional news media to various forms of online communication. Activists have primarily—though not exclusively—focused on opposing childhood vaccination, and have sought to expand their influence from niche subgroups into national political debates. Ideas that later coalesced into anti-vaccine activism predate vaccines themselves. The movement, along with fringe doctors, has propagated various myths and conspiracy theories, alongside misinformation and disinformation. These efforts have significantly increased vaccine hesitancy and influenced public policy regarding the ethical, legal, and medical aspects of vaccination. In contrast, there is no substantive debate or hesitancy within mainstream medical circles about the benefits of vaccination; the scientific consensus is "clear and unambiguous" in favor of vaccines. Despite this consensus, the anti-vaccine movement has been partially successful in distorting the public understanding of science in popular culture. == History == === 18th and 19th century === Ideas that would eventually coalesce into anti-vaccine activism have existed for longer than vaccines themselves. Some philosophical approaches (e.g.


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-1.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
==== Anti-Vaccination Society of America ==== In the United States, many states and local school boards established immunization requirements, beginning with a compulsory school vaccination law in Massachusetts in 1855. The Anti-Vaccination Society of America was founded in 1879, after a visit to the United States by British anti-vaccine activist William Tebb, and opposed compulsory smallpox vaccination for smallpox from the final decades of the 19th century through the 1910s. During this period, smallpox vaccination was the only form of vaccination that was widely practiced, and the society published a periodical opposing it, called Vaccination. A series of American legal cases, beginning in various states and culminating with that of Henning Jacobson of Massachusetts in 1905, upheld the mandating of compulsory smallpox vaccination for the good of the public. The court ruled in Jacobson v. Massachusetts that "the liberty secured by the Constitution of the United States to every person within its jurisdiction does not import an absolute right in each person to be, at all times and in all circumstances, wholly freed from restraint. There are manifold restraints to which every person is necessarily subject for the common good". ==== London Society for the Abolition of Compulsory Vaccination ====


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-2.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
Anti-vaccine activism in the 2000s regained prominence through exploratory research by Andrew Wakefield based on 12 selected cases. He then made claims about a link between the MMR vaccine and autism. These claims were subsequently extensively investigated and found to be false, and the original study turned out to be based on faked data. The scientific consensus is that there is no link between the MMR vaccine and autism, and that the MMR vaccine's benefits in preventing measles, mumps, and rubella greatly outweigh its potential risks. The idea of an autism link was first suggested in the early 1990s and came to public notice largely as a result of the 1998 Lancet MMR autism fraud, which Dennis K Flaherty at the University of Charleston characterized as "perhaps the most damaging medical hoax of the last 100 years". The fraudulent research paper authored by Wakefield and published in The Lancet falsely claimed the vaccine was linked to colitis and autism spectrum disorders. The paper was retracted by Lancet in 2010 but is still cited by anti-vaccine activists. The claims in the paper were widely reported, leading to a sharp drop in vaccination rates in the UK and Ireland. Promotion of the


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-3.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
==== 2019 and 2025 measles outbreaks ==== Vaccine hesitancy led to declining rates of vaccination for measles, culminating in the 2019–2020 measles outbreaks. The most significant of these, in proportion to the national population, was the 2019 Samoa measles outbreak. In July 2018, two 12-month-old children died in Samoa after receiving incorrectly prepared MMR vaccinations. These two deaths were picked up by anti-vaccine groups and used to incite fear towards vaccination on social media, causing the government to suspend its measles vaccination programme for ten months, despite advice from the WHO. The incident caused many Samoan residents to lose trust in the healthcare system. UNICEF and the World Health Organization estimate that the measles vaccination rate in Samoa fell from 74% in 2017 to 34% in 2018, similar to some of the poorest countries in Africa. In August 2019, an infected passenger on one of the more than 8,000 annual flights between New Zealand and Samoa probably brought the disease from Auckland to Upolu. A full outbreak of measles began on the island in October 2019 and continued for the next four months. As of January 6, 2020, there were over 5,700 cases of measles and 83 deaths, out of


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-4.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
=== Misrepresentation === In some instances, anti-vaccine organizations have used names intended to sound non-partisan on the issue: e.g. National Vaccine Information Center (USA), Vaccination Risk Awareness Network (Canada), Australian Vaccination Network. In November 2013 the Australian Vaccination Network was ordered by the New South Wales Administrative Decisions Tribunal to change their name so that consumers are aware of the anti-vaccination nature of the group. Lateline reported that former AVN president Meryl Dorey "claimed she was a victim of hate groups and vested interests" in response to the ruling. === Information quality === Although physicians and nurses are still rated as the most trusted source for vaccine information, some vaccine-hesitant individuals report being more comfortable discussing vaccines with providers of complementary and alternative medical (CAM) treatments. With the rise of the internet, many people have turned online for medical information. In some instances, anti-vaccine activists seek to steer people away from vaccination and health-care providers and towards alternative medicines sold by certain activists. Anti-vaccination writings on the internet have been argued to be characterized by a number of differences from medical and scientific literature. These include: Promiscuous copying and reduplication. Ignoring corrections, even when an initial report or data point


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-5.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
=== Use of misinformation in Philippine anti-vaccine activism === Anti-vaccine activism in the Philippines has been amplified through social media platforms such as Facebook, where misinformation spreads widely among low-income users with "free Facebook" access. Online groups like "NO TO VACCINE – PHILIPPINES" propagate messages about vaccine harms, while emotionally charged narratives rooted in the 2017 Dengvaxia controversy continue to undermine public trust in immunization programs. Health activists and pro-vaccine groups have pushed back: for instance, the Vaccine Solidarity Movement called on media outlets to stop amplifying unscientific anti-vax views and to rely on qualified experts. Misinformation about vaccine brands (such as Sinovac) and perceived regulatory failures contributes to hesitancy, a tactic leveraged by anti-vaxxers to sow doubt. In addition, some disinformation campaigns have geopolitical dimensions: a covert campaign reportedly run by the U.S. military in the Philippines spread fears that Chinese-made COVID-19 vaccines were unsafe. Community-level mistrust is also fueled by moral panic and institutional distrust. Ethnographic studies among Filipino parents document how fear from past vaccine controversies, such as Dengvaxia, continues to resonate in discussions about routine immunization. At the same time, negative vaccine narratives garner strong engagement: a content analysis of YouTube comments on national TV vaccination


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-6.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
== Countering anti-vaccine activism == Various efforts have been suggested and undertaken to address concerns about vaccines and counter anti-vaccine disinformation. Efforts include social media advertising campaigns, by public health organizations, in support of public health goals. Best practices for combating vaccine mis- and disinformation include addressing issues openly, clearly identifying areas of scientific consensus and areas of uncertainty, and being sensitive to the cultural and religious values of communities. In countering anti-vaccine disinformation, both factual and emotional aspects need to be addressed. Whether people will update a mistaken belief is complicated and involves psychological factors and social goals as well as accuracy of information. There is some evidence that both debunking and "pre-bunking" of disinformation can be effective, at least in the short term. Elements that may help to correct inaccurate information include: warning people before they are exposed to misinformation; high perceived credibility of message sources, affirmations of identity and social norms; graphical presentation; and focusing attention on clear core messages. Alternative explanations of a situation need to fit plausibly into the original scenario and ideally indicate why the incorrect explanation was previously thought to be correct. The cultivation of critical thinking, health and science awareness, and media


id: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism-7.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:46.395880+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-20260505-0
summary:
=== Community engagement === Steps have been taken to counter anti-vaccine messaging by directly engaging with communities. Outreach efforts include call centers and texting campaigns, partnering with local community leaders, and holding community-based vaccine clinics. Creating digital and science literacy resources and distributing them via schools, libraries, municipal offices, churches and other community groups can help to counter misinformation in under-resourced communities. The Black Doctors COVID-19 Consortium in Philadelphia is one example of a successful direct outreach initiative. Another is the New York State Vaccine Equity Task Force. In line with the Strategic Advisory Group of Experts (SAGE)'s 3C's model, outreach to communities has focused on addressing mistrust and increasing Confidence, providing information to improve risk assessment (Complacency), and improving access to COVID-19 vaccines (Convenience). It has been necessary to counter disinformation in all three areas. In the Philippines, countermeasures include nationwide information campaigns led by the Department of Health, collaborations with UNICEF to address circulating misinformation, and initiatives by medical and scientific groups such as the Vaccine Solidarity Movement, which urges media outlets to prioritize expert guidance and avoid amplifying unverified claims. Local health workers and barangay officials are trained to respond to vaccine concerns at the household level,


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-0.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
Vaccine hesitancy is a delay in acceptance or refusal of vaccines despite availability and supporting evidence of effectivity. The term also includes accepting vaccines but remaining uncertain about their use or using certain vaccines but not others. Although adverse effects associated with vaccines are occasionally observed, the scientific consensus that vaccines are generally safe and effective is overwhelming. Vaccine hesitancy often results in disease outbreaks and deaths from vaccine-preventable diseases. Therefore, the World Health Organization characterizes vaccine hesitancy as one of the top ten global health threats. Vaccine hesitancy is complex and context-specific, varying across time, place, and specific vaccine. It can be influenced by factors such as lack of proper scientific-based knowledge and understanding about how vaccines are made or work. Other psychological factors including fear of needles and distrust of public authorities, a person's lack of confidence (mistrust of the vaccine and/or healthcare provider), complacency (the person does not see a need for the vaccine or does not see the value of the vaccine), and convenience (access to vaccines). It has existed since the invention of vaccination and pre-dates the coining of the terms "vaccine" and "vaccination" by nearly eighty years. Although myths, conspiracy theories, misinformation, and disinformation


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-1.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Formaldehyde ==== Vaccine-hesitant people have also voiced concerns about the presence of formaldehyde in vaccines. Formaldehyde is used in small concentrations to inactivate viruses and bacterial toxins used in vaccines. Small amounts of residual formaldehyde can be present in vaccines but are far below values harmful to human health. The levels present in vaccines are minuscule when compared to naturally occurring levels of formaldehyde in the human body and pose no significant risk of toxicity. The human body continuously produces formaldehyde naturally and contains 50–70 times the greatest amount of formaldehyde present in any vaccine. Furthermore, the human body is capable of breaking down naturally occurring formaldehyde as well as the small amount of formaldehyde present in vaccines. There is no evidence linking the infrequent exposures to small quantities of formaldehyde present in vaccines with cancer. === MMR vaccine === In the UK, the MMR vaccine was the subject of controversy after the publication in The Lancet of a 1998 paper by Andrew Wakefield and others reporting case histories of twelve children mostly with autism spectrum disorders with onset soon after administration of the vaccine. At a 1998 press conference, Wakefield suggested that giving children the vaccines in three


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-2.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Prenatal infection === Based on studies in animal models, theoretical concerns have been raised about a possible link between schizophrenia and maternal immune response activated by virus antigens. A 2009 review concluded that there was insufficient evidence to recommend routine use of trivalent influenza vaccine during the first trimester of pregnancy, but that the vaccine was still recommended outside the first trimester and in special circumstances such as pandemics or in women with certain other conditions. The CDC's Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, and the American Academy of Family Physicians all recommend routine flu shots for pregnant women based on the risk for serious influenza-related complications, greater rates for flu-related hospitalizations compared to non-pregnant women, the possible transfer of maternal anti-influenza antibodies, and several studies failing to find harm to pregnant women or their children from the vaccinations. Despite this recommendation, only 16% of healthy pregnant US women surveyed in 2005 had been vaccinated against the flu. === Sudden infant death syndrome === Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) is most common in infants around the time in life when they receive many vaccinations. Since the cause of SIDS has not been fully


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-3.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Blood transfusion === After the introduction of COVID-19 vaccines, vaccine hesitant people have at times demanded that they get donor blood from donors that have not received the vaccine. In the US and Canada, blood centers do not keep data on whether a donor has been COVID-19 infected or vaccinated, and in August 2021 it was estimated that 60-70% of US blood donors had COVID-19 antibodies. Research director Timothy Caulfield said that "This really highlights, I think, how powerful misinformation can be. It can really have an impact in a way that can be dangerous ... There is no evidence to support these concerns." The British Journal of Haematology called the trend "alarming" in 2021. The chief medical officer of ImpactLife said the same year that accepting such a demand "would be an operational can of worms for a medically unjustifiable request". As of August 2021, such demands were rare in the US. As of 2024, the numbers are increasing. Doctors in Alberta, Canada, warned in November 2022 that the demands were becoming more common. The Association for the Advancement of Blood & Biotherapies (AABB) and the Canadian Blood Services have both issued guidance on how to respond to


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-4.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Natural infection === Another common anti-vaccine myth is that the immune system produces a better immune protection in response to natural infection when compared to vaccination. However, strength and duration of immune protection gained varies by both disease and vaccine, with some vaccines giving better protection than natural infection. For example, the HPV vaccine generates better immune protection than natural infection due to the vaccine containing higher concentrations of a viral coat protein, while also not containing proteins the HPV viruses use to inhibit immune response. While it is true that infection with certain illnesses may produce lifelong immunity, many natural infections do not produce lifelong immunity, while carrying a higher risk of harming a person's health than vaccines. For example, natural varicella infection carries a higher risk of bacterial superinfection with Group A streptococci. Natural measles infection carries a high risk of many serious, and sometimes life-long, complications, all of which can be avoided by vaccination. Those infected with measles rarely have a symptomatic reinfection. Most people survive measles, though in some cases, complications may occur. Among those that experience complications, about 1 in 4 individuals will be hospitalized and 1–2 in 1000 will die. Complications are more


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-5.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
Historically, chiropractic strongly opposed vaccination based on its belief that all diseases were traceable to so-called "vertebral subluxations" in the spine and therefore could not be affected by vaccines. Daniel D. Palmer (1845–1913), the founder of chiropractic, wrote: "It is the very height of absurdity to strive to 'protect' any person from smallpox or any other malady by inoculating them with a filthy animal poison." Vaccination remains controversial within the profession. Most chiropractic writings on vaccination focus on its negative aspects. A 1995 survey of US chiropractors found that about one third believed there was no scientific proof that immunization prevents disease. While the Canadian Chiropractic Association supports vaccination, a survey in Alberta in 2002 found that 25% of chiropractors advised patients for, and 27% advised against, vaccinations for patients or for their children. Although most chiropractic colleges try to teach about vaccination in a manner consistent with scientific evidence, several have faculty who seem to stress negative views. A survey of a 1999–2000 cross-section of students of Canadian Memorial Chiropractic College (CMCC), which does not formally teach anti-vaccination views, reported that fourth-year students opposed vaccination more strongly than did first-year students, with 29.4% of fourth-year students opposing vaccination. A


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-6.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Fear of needles === Blood-injection-injury phobia and general fear of needles and injections can lead people to avoid vaccinations. One survey conducted in January and February 2021 estimated this was responsible for 10% of the COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in the UK at the time. A 2012 survey of American parents found that a fear of needles was the most common reason for adolescents to forgo their second dose of a HPV vaccine. Various treatments for fear of needles can help overcome this problem, from offering pain reduction at the time of injection to long-term behavioral therapy. Tensing the stomach muscles can help avoid fainting, swearing can reduce perceived pain, and distraction can also improve the perceived experience, such as by pretending to cough, performing a visual task, watching a video, or playing a video game. To avoid dissuading people who have a needle phobia, vaccine update researchers recommend against using pictures of needles, people getting an injection, or faces displaying negative emotions (like a crying baby) in promotional materials. Instead, they recommend medically accurate photos depicting smiling, diverse people with bandages, vaccination cards, or a rolled-up sleeve; depicting vials instead of needles; and depicting the people who develop and


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-7.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
Since most religions predate the invention of vaccines, scriptures do not specifically address the topic of vaccination. However, vaccination has been opposed by some on religious grounds ever since it was first introduced. When vaccination was first becoming widespread, some Christian opponents argued that preventing smallpox deaths would be thwarting God's will and that such prevention is sinful. Opposition from some religious groups continues to the present day, on various grounds, raising ethical difficulties when the number of unvaccinated children threatens harm to the entire population. Many governments allow parents to opt out of their children's otherwise mandatory vaccinations for religious reasons; some parents falsely claim religious beliefs to get vaccination exemptions. Many Jewish community leaders support vaccination. Among early Hasidic leaders, Rabbi Nachman of Breslov (1772–1810) was known for his criticism of the doctors and medical treatments of his day. However, when the first vaccines were successfully introduced, he stated: "Every parent should have his children vaccinated within the first three months of life. Failure to do so is tantamount to murder. Even if they live far from the city and have to travel during the great winter cold, they should have the child vaccinated before three months." Although


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-8
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-8.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
== Countermeasures == Vaccine hesitancy is challenging and optimal strategies for approaching it remain uncertain. Multicomponent initiatives which include targeting undervaccinated populations, improving the convenience of and access to vaccines, educational initiatives, and mandates may improve vaccination uptake. The World Health Organization (WHO) published a paper in 2016 intending to aid experts on how to respond to vaccine deniers in public. The WHO recommends for experts to view the general public as their target audience rather than the vaccine denier when debating in a public forum. The WHO also suggests for experts to make unmasking the techniques that the vaccine denier uses to spread misinformation as the goal of the conversation. The WHO asserts that this will make the public audience more resilient against anti-vaccine tactics. === Providing information === Many interventions designed to address vaccine hesitancy have been based on the information deficit model. This model assumes that vaccine hesitancy is due to a person lacking the necessary information and attempts to provide them with that information to solve the problem. Despite many educational interventions attempting this approach, ample evidence indicates providing more information is often ineffective in changing a vaccine-hesitant person's views and may, in fact, have the


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-9
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-9.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Avoiding online misinformation === It is recommended that healthcare providers advise parents against performing their own web search queries since many websites on the Internet contain significant misinformation. Many parents perform their own research online and are often confused, frustrated, and unsure of which sources of information are trustworthy. Additional recommendations include introducing parents to the importance of vaccination as far in advance of the initial well-child visit as possible; presenting parents with vaccine safety information while in their pediatrician's waiting room; and using prenatal open houses and postpartum maternity ward visits as opportunities to vaccinate. Internet advertising, especially on social networking websites, is purchased by both public health authorities and anti-vaccination groups. In the United States, the majority of anti-vaccine Facebook advertising in December 2018 and February 2019 had been paid for one of two groups: Children's Health Defense and Stop Mandatory Vaccination. The ads targeted women and young couples and generally highlighted the alleged risks of vaccines, while asking for donations. Several anti-vaccination advertising campaigns also targeted areas where measles outbreaks were underway during this period. The impact of Facebook's subsequent advertising policy changes has not been studied. === Incentive programs === Several countries have implemented programs


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-10
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-10.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
There was legitimate concern from supporters of vaccination about its safety and efficacy, but this was overshadowed by general condemnation, particularly when legislation started to introduce compulsory vaccination. The reason for this was that vaccination was introduced before laboratory methods were developed to control its production and account for its failures. Vaccine was maintained initially through arm-to-arm transfer and later through production on the skin of animals, and bacteriological sterility was impossible. Further, identification methods for potential pathogens were not available until the late 19th to early 20th century. Diseases later shown to be caused by contaminated vaccine included erysipelas, tuberculosis, tetanus, and syphilis. This last, though rare – estimated at 750 cases in 100 million vaccinations – attracted particular attention. Much later, Charles Creighton, a leading medical opponent of vaccination, claimed that the vaccine itself was a cause of syphilis and devoted a book to the subject. As cases of smallpox started to occur in those who had been vaccinated earlier, supporters of vaccination pointed out that these were usually very mild and occurred years after the vaccination. In turn, opponents of vaccination pointed out that this contradicted Jenner's belief that vaccination conferred complete protection. The views of opponents


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-11
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-11.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== United States ==== After an 1879 visit to New York by prominent British anti-vaccinationist William Tebb, The Anti-Vaccination Society of America was founded. The New England Anti-Compulsory Vaccination League formed in 1882, and the Anti-Vaccination League of New York City in 1885. Tactics in the US largely followed those used in England. Vaccination in the US was regulated by individual states, in which there followed a progression of compulsion, opposition, and repeal similar to that in England. Although generally organized on a state-by-state basis, the vaccination controversy reached the US Supreme Court in 1905. There, in the case of Jacobson v. Massachusetts, the court ruled that states have the authority to require vaccination against smallpox during a smallpox epidemic. John Pitcairn, the wealthy founder of the Pittsburgh Plate Glass Company (now PPG Industries), emerged as a major financier and leader of the American anti-vaccination movement. On March 5, 1907, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, he delivered an address to the Committee on Public Health and Sanitation of the Pennsylvania General Assembly criticizing vaccination. He later sponsored the National Anti-Vaccination Conference, which, held in Philadelphia in October 1908, led to the creation of The Anti-Vaccination League of America. When the league organized


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-12
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-12.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
In mid-2020, surveys on whether people would be willing to take a potential COVID-19 vaccine estimated that 67% or 80% of people in the US would accept a new vaccination against COVID-19. In the United Kingdom, a 16 November 2020 YouGov poll showed that 42% said they were very likely to take the vaccine and 25% were fairly likely (67% likely overall); 11% would be very unlikely and 10% fairly unlikely (21% unlikely overall) and 12% are unsure. There have been a number of reasons expressed why people might not wish to take COVID-19 vaccines, such as concerns over safety, self-perception of being "low risk", or questioning the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine in particular. 8% of those reluctant to take it say it is because they oppose vaccinations overall; this amounts to just 2% of the British public. A December 2020 Ipsos/World Economic Forum 15-country poll asked online respondents whether they agreed with the statement: "If a vaccine for COVID-19 were available, I would get it." Rates of agreement were smallest in France (40%), Russia (43%) and South Africa (53%). In the United States, 69% of those polled agreed with the statement; rates were even higher in Britain (77%) and China (80%).


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-13
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-13.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Nigeria, polio, measles, diphtheria (2001–) ==== In the early first decade of the 21st century, conservative religious leaders in northern Nigeria, suspicious of Western medicine, advised their followers not to have their children vaccinated with the oral polio vaccine. The boycott was endorsed by the governor of Kano State, and immunization was suspended for several months. Subsequently, polio reappeared in a dozen formerly polio-free neighbors of Nigeria, and genetic tests showed the virus was the same one that originated in northern Nigeria. Nigeria had become a net exporter of the poliovirus to its African neighbors. People in the northern states were also reported to be wary of other vaccinations, and Nigeria reported over 20,000 measles cases and nearly 600 deaths from measles from January through March 2005. In Northern Nigeria, it is a common belief that vaccination is a strategy created by the westerners to reduce the Northerners' population. As a result of this belief, a large number of Northerners reject vaccination. In 2006, Nigeria accounted for over half of all new polio cases worldwide. Outbreaks continued thereafter; for example, at least 200 children died in a late-2007 measles outbreak in Borno State. ==== United States, measles (2005–) ====


id: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-14
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy-14.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:48.023778+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== United States, tetanus ==== Most cases of pediatric tetanus in the U.S. occur in unvaccinated children. In Oregon, in 2017, an unvaccinated boy had a scalp wound that his parents sutured themselves. Later the boy arrived at a hospital with tetanus. He spent 47 days in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU), and 57 total days in the hospital, for $811,929, not including the cost of airlifting him to the Oregon Health and Science University, Doernbecher Children's Hospital, or the subsequent two and a half weeks of inpatient rehabilitation he required. Despite this, his parents declined the administration of subsequent tetanus boosters or other vaccinations. ==== Romania, measles (2016–present) ==== As of September 2017, a measles epidemic was ongoing across Europe, especially Eastern Europe. In Romania, there were about 9300 cases, and 34 people (all unvaccinated) had died. This was preceded by a 2008 controversy regarding the HPV vaccine. In 2012, doctor Christa Todea-Gross published a free downloadable book online, this book contained misinformation about vaccination from abroad translated into Romanian, which significantly stimulated the growth of the anti-vaccine movement. The government of Romania officially declared a measles epidemic in September 2016 and started an information campaign to encourage parents


id: 19-to-zero-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/19_to_Zero-0.md
category: reference
title: 19 to Zero
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/19_to_Zero
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:49.195296+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: 19-to-zero-20260505-0
summary:
19 to Zero is a Canadian not-for-profit behavioural sciences initiative based in Calgary, Alberta. Hosted at the University of Calgary, the public–private partnership is made up of around 500 members including public health specialists, academics, behavioural psychologists, marketers and multimedia creators. Its purpose is to increase confidence in vaccines for COVID-19 and other diseases by tackling vaccine hesitancy. The group publishes materials on its website and through partner organizations, including videos, billboards, presentations, brochures and in-person events. == History == === Founding === 19 to Zero was launched in August 2020 at the University of Calgary in order to influence the behaviour of the public surrounding public health measures and COVID-19 vaccines. The group's primary goal is to increase vaccine uptake in order to meet immunization targets, working to coordinate messaging among health care workers across Canada. 19 to Zero and the University of Toronto conducted a survey in the fall of 2020 to gauge routine vaccination rates following the declaration of the COVID-19 pandemic. In September 2020, Alberta Innovates announced a $392,080 grant to fund 19 to Zero with a project titled "Changing COVID-19 Behaviors through a data-driven targeted marketing campaign." 19 to Zero collaborated in the development of


id: 2014-el-carmen-de-bol-var-illness-outbreak-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_El_Carmen_de_Bolívar_illness_outbreak-0.md
category: reference
title: 2014 El Carmen de Bolívar illness outbreak
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_El_Carmen_de_Bolívar_illness_outbreak
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:50.396811+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: 2014-el-carmen-de-bol-var-illness-outbreak-20260505-0
summary:
Beginning in March 2014 and increasing substantially in May and June 2014, over 600 teenage girls and women in El Carmen de Bolívar, Colombia developed medically unexplained symptoms, including fainting, twitching, and loss of consciousness. Media and residents suggested the symptoms resulted from HPV vaccines, although health officials found no link between the vaccine and the symptoms. The event has been labeled as an example of mass psychogenic illness by medical professionals and by then-Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos. == Progression of events == The first girl in El Carmen de Bolívar to develop symptoms did so in late March 2014. Between 29 May and 2 June, 15 female students from Colegio Espíritu Santo were admitted to the local Nuestra Senora del Carmen hospital after developing "tachycardia, shortness of breath, and numbness of the limbs". Health officials considered "possible food, water, lead, or pesticide poisoning" as causes, while several of the girls' parents linked the symptoms to the Gardasil vaccine; the girls had received the second dose of the vaccine in school two months prior. Several of the girls were sent to hospitals in Sincelejo and Barranquilla, after continuing to show symptoms following their discharge. The school had not notified


id: 2025-belize-measles-outbreak-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2025_Belize_measles_outbreak-0.md
category: reference
title: 2025 Belize measles outbreak
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2025_Belize_measles_outbreak
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:51.553339+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: 2025-belize-measles-outbreak-20260505-0
summary:
On 12 April 2025, two cases of measles linked to international travel were confirmed in the Cayo and Corozal districts of Belize. By 28 April, a further five cases were confirmed among close contacts of these initial cases. On 12 May, health authorities declared local transmission of measles in Spanish Lookout, Cayo. As of 13 May, the outbreak is confirmed to have infected seven persons and suspected to have infected at least a few more. No deaths have been reported. This outbreak is the first such in the country since the eradication of measles in 1991. == Background == Belize was deemed measles-free in 1991, and reported no positive cases in the ensuing decades (until the present outbreak) despite not meeting the World Health Organization target vaccination range for measles (92–95 percent). == Epidemiology == On 12 April, the Ministry of Health & Wellness confirmed two positive measles cases in two 17-year-old males from Corozal and Cayo with no vaccination history. They reported having travelled to Chihuahua, Mexico from 5 January to 31 March for a religious gathering, and having subsequently developed symptoms on 2–3 April. By 28 April, an additional five positive cases were confirmed among close contacts of


id: abba-political-party-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ABBA_(political_party)-0.md
category: reference
title: ABBA (political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ABBA_(political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:52.772056+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: abba-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
ABBA (Maltese: Partit ABBA) is an inactive far-right and Christian right political party in Malta. == History == The party was founded in 2021 by Ivan Grech Mintoff, the former leader of Alleanza Bidla. The party's registrations was initially refused by the Electoral Commission due to the party's name not being able to be shortened to an acronym. In response to this ABBA filed a judicial protest claiming the commission was discriminating against them. The Electoral Commission later agreed to register the party. ABBA took part in the 2022 Maltese General Elections with candidates in all 13 districts, they received 0.42% of votes. Most ABBA candidates which ran in the election are also members of the Christian Charismatic Pentecostal group River of Love. Grech Mintoff resigned as party leader and from ABBA itself just before the 2024 European Parliament elections, following a dispute with Secretary-General Simon Elmer. Grech Mintoff was still on the ballot as an ABBA candidate due to the papers being printed, but asked to be considered an independent candidate. The party's social media accounts went inactive after June 2024. Elmer and party treasurer Romina Magro later joined Edwin Vassallo's Christian conservative National Democratic Union, after the movement's


id: alliance-for-the-union-of-romanians-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_the_Union_of_Romanians-0.md
category: reference
title: Alliance for the Union of Romanians
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_the_Union_of_Romanians
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:54.208334+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: alliance-for-the-union-of-romanians-20260505-0
summary:
The Alliance for the Union of Romanians (Romanian: Alianța pentru Unirea Românilor, AUR) is a right-wing populist and far-right political party active in Romania, with a branch in the neighbouring Republic of Moldova too. It was founded in 2019 by George Simion and Claudiu Târziu and as of 2026, it is the second largest party in both chambers of the Parliament of Romania, namely the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The party was founded in order to take part in the 2020 local and parliamentary elections in Romania, its main leader Simion formerly candidating in the 2019 European election in Romania as an independent candidate, failing to obtain a place as he did not receive the required number of votes. Despite almost no success localy, the party unexpectedly obtained 9% of the votes in the parliamentary elections, making it the fourth largest party in the Parliament. Four years later, it obtained 18% of the votes, making it the second largest party. AUR's manifesto aims for the unification of all Romanians, particularly focusing on the union of Moldova and Romania. The AUR logo itself represents a map of Romania composed of a line depicting the actual border of the country


id: alliance-for-the-union-of-romanians-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_the_Union_of_Romanians-1.md
category: reference
title: Alliance for the Union of Romanians
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_the_Union_of_Romanians
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:54.208334+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: alliance-for-the-union-of-romanians-20260505-0
summary:
=== Election to Parliament and first legislature (2020–2024) === In the 2020 Romanian legislative election, AUR obtained a high percentage of the votes, being called as the "surprise" of Romania. The results also increased the popularity of the party on the Internet. Many members of the Romanian Orthodox Church campaigned for the AUR during the 2020 Romanian legislative election. The party came first among Romanians in Italy, the largest group of the Romanian diaspora, and ran a close second among Romanians in France and Romanians in Spain. It also scored first in Cyprus. AUR's candidate for prime minister was Călin Georgescu, who worked for the United Nations for 17 years. According to a statement released by AUR on 8 December 2020, 15,000 Romanians joined the party in just 24 hours. The party got 47 MPs in the 2020–2024 Romanian legislature. The party achieved good results in rural areas of Moldavia and Dobruja, areas traditionally dominated by the other big parties. Its most significant percentages were in the counties where the Romanian Orthodox Church has a strong influence and a large number of practicing believers. These are Suceava (14.72%), Botoșani (14.62%), Neamț (14.4%), Constanța (14.2%), and Vrancea (13.43%). The party speculated


id: alliance-for-the-union-of-romanians-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_the_Union_of_Romanians-2.md
category: reference
title: Alliance for the Union of Romanians
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_the_Union_of_Romanians
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:54.208334+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: alliance-for-the-union-of-romanians-20260505-0
summary:
On 14 November 2023, at an AUR press conference, Lidia Vadim-Tudor (the daughter of the late Corneliu Vadim Tudor), former Minister for Business Environment Ilan Laufer (who is also the president of the National Identity Force), businessman Muhammad Murad, entrepreneur Sorin Constantinescu and Sorin Ilieșiu, as well as deputies Florică Calotă (who was elected on PNL list), Daniel Forea (elected on PSD list), Dumitru Viorel Focșa (elected on AUR, but later left) and senators Ovidiu Iosif Florean (elected on PNL list), Călin Gheorghe Matieș (elected on PSD list) and Vasilică Potecă (elected on PNL list) announced that they are joining AUR for the next election. Later, on 21 November, AUR announced, together with the Romanian Village Party, National Rebirth Alliance, Romanian Republican Party and National Peasants' Alliance the creation of a Sovereigntist Alliance to contest the 2024 Romanian parliamentary election. On 2 April 2024, Mihail Neamțu, former leader of the New Republic party, joined AUR. In the 2024 European Parliament Election, AUR gained five seats in the EU Parliament, with a total of 6 seats, receiving 14.9% of the total votes. AUR previously held only 1 seat in the European Parliament. In the party's first local elections on 9 June


id: alternative-vaccination-schedule-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alternative_vaccination_schedule-0.md
category: reference
title: Alternative vaccination schedule
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alternative_vaccination_schedule
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:55.405359+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: alternative-vaccination-schedule-20260505-0
summary:
In the United States, an alternative vaccination schedule is a vaccination schedule differing from the schedule endorsed by the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP). These schedules may be either written or ad hoc, and have not been tested for their safety or efficacy. Proponents of such schedules aim to reduce the risk of adverse effects they believe to be caused by vaccine components, such as "immune system overload" that is argued to be caused by exposure to multiple antigens. Parents who adopt these schedules tend to do so because they are concerned about the potential risks of vaccination, rather than because they are unaware of the significance of vaccination's benefits. Delayed vaccination schedules have been shown to lead to an increase in breakthrough infections without any benefit in lower side effect profiles. == Effects == Contrary to the claims made by some advocates of alternative vaccine schedules, there is no scientific evidence for the existence of "immune system overload", and according to the UK National Health Service the idea is a "myth". In addition, the amount of chemicals in vaccines such as aluminium and formaldehyde is much lower than natural exposure levels. Intentional deviation from the ACIP's schedule leaves


id: anti-vaccinationism-in-chiropractic-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccinationism_in_chiropractic-0.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccinationism in chiropractic
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccinationism_in_chiropractic
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:56.587570+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccinationism-in-chiropractic-20260505-0
summary:
Anti-vaccinationism in chiropractic is widespread, but there are notable differences within the trade. Chiropractic is a form of alternative medicine founded on the idea that all disease is caused by disruption of the flow of "innate" (or innate intelligence) in the spine, by so-called vertebral subluxations – a pseudoscientific concept. Over time chiropractic has divided into "straights" who adhere to the subluxation theory and "mixers" who adhere more closely to a scientifically-based view of anatomy. "Straight" chiropractors are very likely to be anti-vaccination, but all chiropractic training tends to reduce acceptance of vaccines. Chiropractic anti-vaccinationism has led to negative impacts on both public health and mainstream acceptance of chiropractic. == Details == Most chiropractic writings on vaccination focus on its alleged negative aspects, claiming that vaccination is hazardous, ineffective, and unnecessary. It is certainly the case that most chiropractic writings on vaccination focus almost exclusively on the negative aspects, either ignoring the huge amount of evidence supporting the benefits of vaccination or summarily dismissing this as "bad science" or government/industrial propaganda. This is done despite an enormous body of legitimate studies, peer-reviewed work and real-world proof that vaccines lessen the impacts of, and even eliminate, dangerous and deadly diseases. Nonetheless,


id: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada-0.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism in Canada
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:57.738826+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-0
summary:
From its origins in the 19th century to the 2022 convoy protests, the Canadian anti-vaccination movement has been resisting public health efforts to promote vaccinations through mass demonstrations, political advocacy and judicial activism. It has been led by a succession of groups, with Vaccine Choice Canada being the most prominent as of 2025. == Context == The Canadian anti-vaccination movement developed in parallel to its British and American equivalents in the late 19th and early 20th century, in response to legislation by provincial governments, municipalities and school boards attempting to check the spread of infectious diseases. The British anti-vaccination movement developed rapidly in the mid-19th century, with the Anti-vaccination League founded in response to the Vaccination Act of 1853. Anti-vaccination organizations founded in the United States between 1879 and 1885 were directly influenced by British activists such as William Tebb. By the end of the 19th century, the British anti-vaccination movement had developed from a loose community of interest that included homeopaths, hydrotherapists and faith healers to an international network of associations. Along with the development of inoculation, public health structures were starting to take shape in Canadian cities. Legislation allowing for the formation of temporary local public health boards


id: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada-1.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism in Canada
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:57.738826+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-0
summary:
On September 28, 1885, tensions between health authorities trying to impose vaccination and a hardening opposition reached new heights. About one thousand French Canadians gathered in a mass protest that became a riot. Kept on the move by successive police interventions, they shattered the windows of the Health Board on Sainte Catherine Street before turning on several drugstores selling vaccines. They then attacked what they believed to be the houses of two members of the health board (damaging one belonging to someone with the same name). Later that night, the crowd stormed the section of City Hall that housed the Health Board office; when they had to retreat before a police charge, they made their way to the Montreal Herald, where the printers continued to prepare the morning edition as the windows were shattered by stones. The Chief of Police Hercule Paradis was stabbed during an attack on the central police station. In the aftermath, Mayor Honoré Beaugrand armed the health inspectors and asked the militia to support civil authorities. Montreal wasn't the only city to experience anti-vaccination riots in 1885: in the United Kingdom, civil disturbances of a much greater scale were taking place in Leicester. Canadian anti-vaccination activists


id: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada-2.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism in Canada
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:57.738826+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-0
summary:
The movement emphasized the sometimes spectacular side effects and infections provoked by vaccination, but the improving quality of products and procedures in the 20th century blunted that argument. In Canada as elsewhere, governments were investing more heavily in public health measures, with visible results. Ontario was able to adopt its Public Health Act in 1912 and a new Vaccination Act in 1914, the latter making vaccination mandatory in the event of a smallpox outbreak. The First World War funneled more resources to public health agencies and gave a patriotic sheen to vaccination, yet anti-vaccinators were still a force to be reckoned with when Toronto was hit by a smallpox outbreak in 1919. In contrast to Coderre's 19th-century group of doctors having science-based debates on the merits of vaccination, the new leadership was composed of homeopaths, labour leaders and parents resentful of what they perceived as bureaucratic overreach. A divided city council rejected the province's call for general mandatory vaccination. However, the voluntary campaign was successful enough - with 200,000 inoculations - to limit the extend of the epidemic to 2,864 cases and 11 deaths. With a medical community firmly convinced of the benefits of vaccination and waning popular support, the


id: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada-3.md
category: reference
title: Anti-vaccine activism in Canada
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-vaccine_activism_in_Canada
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:57.738826+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: anti-vaccine-activism-in-canada-20260505-0
summary:
== 21st century and the COVID-19 pandemic == On February 5, 2015, the Toronto Star published a sensational investigation into the Gardasil (HPV) vaccine that was later removed. The report from a newspaper with an otherwise strong reputation for accuracy received considerable attention in Canada and the United States, as well as criticism by investigative journalists for its use of anecdotes and imprudent use of data from public access databases. The coverage stated that more than 60 girls had been seriously harmed by the vaccine since 2008. The newspaper alleged medical authorities downplayed the risks associated with the vaccine to the point that parents could not provide informed consent. A supporting editorial was published the next day in the paper edition. The Star initially defended its coverage, with editor-in-chief Michael Cooke and columnist Heather Mallick attacking gynecologist Jen Gunter and other specialists criticizing the sensationalist nature of the reporting. After two weeks, Toronto Star publisher John Cruickshank recognized the newspaper failed in its responsibilities to the public by running the piece and it was removed from the newspaper's website, although the editorial remained. An academic study on media portrayal of the HPV vaccine in Canadian media concludes that the Toronto


id: attack-political-party-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)-0.md
category: reference
title: Attack (political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:58.927426+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: attack-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
Attack (Bulgarian: Атака, romanized: Ataka) is a nationalist political party in Bulgaria, founded in 2005 by Volen Siderov, who was at the time presenter of the homonymous TV show Attack on SKAT TV. There are different opinions on where to place the party in the political spectrum: according to most scholars it is extreme right, according to others extreme left, or a synthesis of left- and right-wing. The leadership of the party asserts that their party is "neither left nor right, but Bulgarian". The party is considered ultranationalist and anti-Roma, as well as being anti-Muslim and anti-Turkish. The party opposes Bulgarian membership in NATO and requires revision for what it calls the 'double standards' for the membership in the European Union, while members visit international Orthodox and anti-globalization congresses and the party is closely tied with the Bulgarian Orthodox Church. It advocates the re-nationalisation of privatised companies and seeks to prioritize spending on education, healthcare and welfare. In the Bulgarian parliamentary elections of 2005, 2009, and 2013 Attack was consistently the fourth-strongest party. In the 2014 European Parliament election, the party won no seats. Attack was a member of the former Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty European parliamentary group. == Ideology ==


id: attack-political-party-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)-1.md
category: reference
title: Attack (political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:58.927426+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: attack-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
Attack's founder, Volen Siderov, had written many manifestos based on a groundwork of nationalism since the 1990s. His five books are dedicated to global conspiracy theories and to exposing what he calls the anti-Bulgarian policies of certain political circles in Bulgaria and abroad. According to Siderov, a small group of freemasons control the world with the help of puppet heads of state and international organizations. Siderov started an evening show named "Attack" on Skat TV in 2003, from where he became known in the general audience and from where the party's name comes, before officially establishing the party for the parliamentary election in June 2005. Gaining a parliamentary presence for the first time in 2005, the party remained a constant opponent of the government of Sergei Stanishev (2005–2009) and carried out numerous actions against it. On 3 March 2006, party leader Siderov called for a meeting to be held in Sofia, and around 30,000 people came to hear speeches by him and other members of the party. During this rally, Siderov declared "Bulgaria is not yet free. Bulgaria is still under Turkish rule". Party speakers protested against the ruling government in Bulgaria for forming an alliance with the Movement for


id: attack-political-party-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)-2.md
category: reference
title: Attack (political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:58.927426+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: attack-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
Attack supported the Bulgarian Orthodox Church against the 2012 Sofia Pride gay parade and protested in the previous ones, organizing an anti-gay parade with newlyweds at the front.


id: attack-political-party-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)-3.md
category: reference
title: Attack (political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:58.927426+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: attack-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
== International relations == Its 3 MEPs participated in the short-lived Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty group (2007), which was a political group in the European Parliament composed of 23 members from European parties variously described as right-wing and nationalist. Siderov reportedly espouses anti-Masonic conspiracy theories, claiming that Masons control the world through puppet regimes, international organizations, and the press. According to Siderov, these forces seek to commit genocide against Bulgarian people. Attack opposes NATO the membership, claiming that, despite Minister of Foreign Affairs Solomon Pasi's assurances that Bulgaria would be the safest place in Europe, the reduction in strength of the Bulgarian army to 20,000 made the nation defenseless, serving Turkish interests. Siderov compared the accession of Bulgaria to NATO as a new signing of the Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine, considered as humiliating treaty for Bulgaria, signed after World War I. Although the party is ambivalent on Bulgaria's European Union membership, it has demanded a revision of some of the previous agreements (e.g. the resolution on shutting down the Kozloduy Nuclear Power Plant near the Danube), it claims that those who signed the EU membership, referring to Meglena Kuneva and others, are national traitors, not because of the EU membership itself, but


id: attack-political-party-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)-4.md
category: reference
title: Attack (political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attack_(political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:10:58.927426+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: attack-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
== Election results == Following the Bulgarian parliamentary election in 2005, the party entered the 240-seater parliament with 21 seats and 8.1% of the vote (296,848 votes) and became the fourth largest party. At the 2006 Bulgarian presidential election, the leader of the party – Volen Siderov came second behind the incumbent president Parvanov by winning 21.5% of the vote (597,175 votes) and in the subsequent runoff between the two Siderov failed to defeat the president, having received 24.0% of the vote (649,387 votes). At the 2007 European Parliament election, the party won 3 seats and 14.2% of the vote (275,237 votes) out of 18 seats, given for Bulgarian parties. At the parliamentary election in 2009, it remained with 21 seats and increased to 9.4% of the vote (395,707 votes). Later 11 members from the parliamentary group left and became independents and the deputies of the party decreased to 10. At the 2009 European Parliament election, it decreased to 12.0% of the vote (308,052 votes) and its seats decreased to 2. The two MEPs, which entered with the votes of the party – Dimitar Stoyanov and Slavcho Binev, left the party, the last one even founded his own new party


id: australian-family-party-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australian_Family_Party-0.md
category: reference
title: Australian Family Party
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australian_Family_Party
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:00.119146+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: australian-family-party-20260505-0
summary:
The Australian Family Party is a minor right-wing political party that has been registered in South Australia since 2021. It was founded by Bob Day, who served in the Australian Senate from 2014 until 2016 as a member of Family First. == History == === Formation === Bob Day launched the party on 28 October 2020 to "counter the insidious influence of the Greens and the disappointment of the major parties". The party website says that, "Many great organisations and political movements [...] started in churches" and that "The Australian Family Party began the same way." The party was registered by the Electoral Commission of South Australia on 11 November 2021. Before the 2026 state election, the South Australian branch of the Democratic Labour Party merged with and endorsed the Australian Family Party. === 2022 South Australian election === At the 2022 state election, it fielded six candidates in the lower house, winning 0.28% of the vote, and two candidates in the upper house, winning 0.86% of the vote. === 2026 South Australian election === The party fielded candidates in all 47 electorates for the 2026 lower house election and three candidates in the 2026 upper house state election. It


id: vaccines-and-autism-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccines_and_autism-0.md
category: reference
title: Vaccines and autism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccines_and_autism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:01.401652+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccines-and-autism-20260505-0
summary:
Extensive investigation into vaccines and autism spectrum disorder has shown that there is no relationship between the two, causal or otherwise, and that vaccine ingredients do not cause autism. Major health authorities, including the World Health Organization, the National Health Service, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the United States Food and Drug Administration, along with large-scale epidemiological research, reinforce the scientific consensus that vaccines are safe, that multiple concurrent vaccinations do not overwhelm the immune system, and that autism cannot be attributed to vaccination. The scientist Peter Hotez researched the growth of the false claim and concluded that its spread originated with Andrew Wakefield's fraudulent 1998 paper, and that no prior paper supports a link. Despite the scientific consensus for the absence of a relationship, and the Wakefield paper's retraction, the anti-vaccination movement at large continues to promote theories linking the two. Celebrity endorsements, social media campaigns and selective reporting have fuelled the anti-vaccination movement and public misunderstanding of vaccines. Fringe political actions continue to promote debunked claims. A developing tactic appears to be citing irrelevant or dubious studies to support a questionable claim. == Claimed mechanisms == The claimed mechanisms have changed over time, in response


id: vaccines-and-autism-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccines_and_autism-1.md
category: reference
title: Vaccines and autism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccines_and_autism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:01.401652+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccines-and-autism-20260505-0
summary:
Thiomersal is an antifungal preservative used in small amounts in some multi-dose vaccines (where the same vial is opened and used for multiple patients) to prevent contamination of the vaccine. Thiomersal contains ethylmercury, a mercury compound which is related to, but significantly less toxic than, the neurotoxic pollutant methylmercury. Despite decades of safe use, public campaigns prompted the CDC and the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) to request vaccine makers to remove thiomersal from vaccines as quickly as possible on the precautionary principle. Thiomersal is now absent from all common United States and European Union vaccines, except for some preparations of influenza vaccine. Trace amounts remain in some vaccines due to production processes, at an approximate maximum of 1 microgramme, around 15% of the average daily mercury intake in the US for adults and 2.5% of the daily level considered tolerable by the World Health Organization (WHO). The action engendered concern thiomersal could have been responsible for autism. The idea that thiomersal was a cause or trigger for autism is now considered disproven, as incidence rates for autism increased steadily even after thiomersal was removed from childhood vaccines. The cause of autism and mercury poisoning being associated is improbable because


id: vaccines-and-autism-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccines_and_autism-2.md
category: reference
title: Vaccines and autism
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccines_and_autism
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:01.401652+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccines-and-autism-20260505-0
summary:
Vaccines recommended from 1985-1994: Diphtheria Tetanus Pertussis Measles Mumps Rubella Polio Hib Hepatitis B (1991) Vaccines recommended from 2011-2020: Diphtheria Tetanus Pertussis Measles Mumps Rubella Polio Hib Hepatitis B Varicella Hepatitis A Pneumococcal Influenza Rotavirus Measles, mumps, and rubella vaccines were given together as MMR. Diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis vaccines were given together as the DTaP. Regarding the latter, Sanofi Pasteur’s Tripedia DTaP vaccine automatically included autism on a long list of “adverse events” in 2005 due to unverified reports from consumers, although such reports did not "establish a causal relationship" to the vaccine at any point. === COVID-19 === A study, initially published in 2024, claimed that the COVID-19 vaccine could generate autism traits in male offsprings of rats. The study has been criticised early on by scientists for its dubious methodology, and has been, in the summer of 2025, retracted on the grounds of methodological concerns. == Celebrity involvement and social media == Some celebrities have spoken out on their views that autism is related to vaccination, including: Jenny McCarthy, Kristin Cavallari, Robert De Niro, Jim Carrey, Bill Maher and Pete Evans. McCarthy, one of the most outspoken celebrities on the topic, has said her son Evan's autism


id: alex-berenson-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alex_Berenson-0.md
category: reference
title: Alex Berenson
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alex_Berenson
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:02.587679+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: alex-berenson-20260505-0
summary:
Alex Norman Berenson (born January 6, 1973) is an American writer who was a reporter for The New York Times, and has authored several thriller novels as well a book on corporate financial filings. His 2019 book Tell Your Children: The Truth About Marijuana, Mental Illness and Violence sparked controversy, earning denunciations from many in the scientific and medical communities. During the coronavirus pandemic, Berenson appeared frequently in American right-wing media, spreading false claims about COVID-19 and its vaccines. He spent much of the pandemic arguing that its seriousness was overblown. Once the COVID-19 vaccines became available, he spread misinformation about the safety and effectiveness of the vaccines. == Early life and education == Berenson was born in New York, and grew up in Englewood, New Jersey. After attending the Horace Mann School, he graduated from Yale University in 1994 with bachelor's degrees in history and economics. == Career == Berenson joined The Denver Post in June 1994 as a business reporter. In August 1996, he left the Post to join TheStreet, a financial news website founded by Jim Cramer. In December 1999, Berenson joined The New York Times as a business investigative reporter. In the fall of 2003 and


id: sucharit-bhakdi-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sucharit_Bhakdi-0.md
category: reference
title: Sucharit Bhakdi
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sucharit_Bhakdi
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:03.805303+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: sucharit-bhakdi-20260505-0
summary:
Sucharit Bhakdi is a retired Thai-German microbiologist. In 2020 and 2021 Bhakdi became a prominent source of misinformation about the COVID-19 pandemic, claiming that the pandemic was "fake" and that COVID-19 vaccines were going to decimate the world's population. He was a professor at the University of Mainz, where he was head of the Institute of Medical Microbiology and Hygiene. The university has disassociated itself from Bhakdi's views on the coronavirus pandemic. In 2021 Bhakdi's publisher broke off relations following the appearance of an online video in which Bhakdi made antisemitic comments. == Early life and education == Bhakdi (Thai: สุจริต ภักดี Thai pronunciation: [sut̚˨˩.t͡ɕa˨˩.rit̚˨˩ pʰak̚˦˥.diː˧]) was born Sucharit Punyaratabandhu, Thai: สุจริต บุณยรัตพันธุ์, 1 November 1946, in Washington, D.C.; his parents are Thai diplomats. In an interview, Bhakdi stated that his mother studied at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. Bhakdi studied at the Universities of Bonn, Gießen, Mainz and Copenhagen, and at the Max Planck Institute of Immunobiology in Freiburg. He studied medicine at the University of Bonn from 1963 to 1970, during part of which (from 1966 to 1970) he was a scholarship holder of the German Academic Exchange Service. Bhakdi worked for a while as a private assistant


id: sucharit-bhakdi-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sucharit_Bhakdi-1.md
category: reference
title: Sucharit Bhakdi
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sucharit_Bhakdi
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:03.805303+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: sucharit-bhakdi-20260505-0
summary:
During the COVID-19 pandemic, Bhakdi started a YouTube channel proposing that the number of deaths stemming from SARS-CoV-2 infection had been overstated. In November 2020 his account was terminated for violating YouTube's community guidelines. One of his first videos was published 18 March 2020; it went viral, with 300,000 views by 23 March. In the video, he predicted the worst "horror scenario" would be a million infections and 30 deaths a day in Germany, and that death rates in Northern Italy and China were higher only because of high air pollution there (even though Germany typically has more deaths due to pollution than Italy). Bhakdi has made a number of false statements about the COVID-19 pandemic, saying that the pandemic is a "fake", that face masks and quarantines are "nonsense" and that the COVID-19 vaccines are deadly and will decimate the global population. He has been otherwise criticised for his theses on the COVID-19 pandemic; according to Medical Tribune, they are considered unscientific by a majority of experts. === Bhakdi's criticisms of the COVID-19 pandemic response === His criticisms of states' (most particularly Germany's) reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic have included: Writing an open Letter in March 2020 to German


id: bulgarian-national-alliance-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_National_Alliance-0.md
category: reference
title: Bulgarian National Alliance
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_National_Alliance
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:05.031077+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: bulgarian-national-alliance-20260505-0
summary:
The Bulgarian National Alliance, also called the Bulgarian National Union, is a Bulgarian far-right informal organization headquartered in Sofia, founded in 2001 by Boyan Rassate, which claims to be a successor to the fascist Union of Bulgarian National Legions, led by general Hristo Lukov. == History == The long-time leader of the organization is Boyan Stankov, who goes under the pseudonym Rasate, host of National Guard (Bulgarian: Национална гвардия) on the Balkan Bulgarian Television channel. In 2010, he stepped down as leader. In his place, Zvezdomir Andronov, Asen Krastev and Nikolai Nikolaev were elected co-leaders. In August 2007, after riots and demonstrations in the Krasna Polyana district in Sofia, BNA "Edelweiss" announced that they would create a "national guard" – an organization to protect Bulgarians, mainly from "Gypsy terror". Former leader Boyan Rasate headed the list of the Bulgarian National Union - New Democracy (BNU-ND) for the early parliamentary elections on October 5, 2014. On this occasion, BNA "Edelweiss" issued a public statement emphasizing that they are not related to the BNS-ND party and that BNA "Edelweiss" does not "explicitly or implicitly" support any of the political parties participating in the elections. The organization cooperates in joint initiatives with the


id: bulgarian-national-unification-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_National_Unification-0.md
category: reference
title: Bulgarian National Unification
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_National_Unification
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:06.213828+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: bulgarian-national-unification-20260505-0
summary:
The Resistance (Bulgarian: Съпротива, romanized: Saprotiva) is a Bulgarian nationalist political party. The leader of the party is chalga singer Georgi Georgiev-Goti. Before 2014, the party was called Bulgarian National Unification (Bulgarian: Българско национално обединение, romanized: Bŭlgarsko natsionalno obedinenie; BNO) == History == On December 1, 2013, the Association of Bulgarian Pensioners, Bulgarian Criminal Detachment, Association of Argoecological Producers and others. establish the Bulgarian National Unification party with Georgi Georgiev as chairman. The party describes itself as center-left and patriotic. BNO states that it will fight for a complete revision of the status quo, raising the standard of living by stimulating the economy and offering better conditions for small and medium-sized businesses. On March 20, 2014, BNO was officially registered by the court. BNO participated in several elections, but received more media attention in 2016, when it nominated Mityo Pishtova for presidential candidate. In 2019, Evgenia Baneva was nominated as an MEP, but soon after they withdrew their support for her. In February 2021, BNO became a mandate holder and submitted its lists for the parliamentary elections in April to the Civil Platform "Bulgarian Summer", which was established by businessman Vasil Bozhkov. === Renaming === Prior to the October 2024


id: bulgarian-patriots-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_Patriots-0.md
category: reference
title: Bulgarian Patriots
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_Patriots
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:07.363458+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: bulgarian-patriots-20260505-0
summary:
The Bulgarian Patriots (Bulgarian: Българските патриоти, romanized: Bŭlgarskite patrioti) was a nationalist electoral alliance formed by VMRO, Volya, and the National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria. The leaders of the three parties will not be MP candidates, as proposed by VRMO leader Krasimir Karakachanov, due to previous infighting that brought down earlier "patriotic" coalitions. == Electoral history == == References ==


id: cease-therapy-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CEASE_therapy-0.md
category: reference
title: CEASE therapy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CEASE_therapy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:08.520548+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: cease-therapy-20260505-0
summary:
CEASE (Complete Elimination of Autistic Spectrum Expression) therapy is a pseudoscientific practice used by naturopaths (particularly homeopaths) who claim that it can treat or even cure people with autism, claims which have been adjudicated by the UK's Advertising Standards Authority as "bogus". It involves a mixture of supplements, high-dose vitamin C, 'orthomolecular support', dietary restrictions, and homeopathy. The therapy was developed by Dutch doctor Tinus Smits, who claimed to have used it to treat over 300 children with autism. It became more notable in 2017/2018 because of regulatory action taken by professional bodies in The Netherlands, UK, and Canada following a series of complaints about unfounded claims. Smits in the book Autism Beyond Despair – CEASE Therapy stated that autistic children should never be vaccinated. == Regulatory action == In October 2017, the Dutch Advertising Code Foundation (Stichting Reclame Code) found that the official website for CEASE therapy was in breach of advertising regulations. In 2022, The United Kingdom's National Health Service (NHS) warned against CEASE therapy, which rejects vaccinations and recommends potentially harmful amounts of dietary supplements. In the United Kingdom, in April 2018 the Professional Standards Authority (PSA) placed some requirements on the Society of Homeopaths (SoH), due


id: cia-fake-vaccination-campaign-in-pakistan-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA_fake_vaccination_campaign_in_Pakistan-0.md
category: reference
title: CIA fake vaccination campaign in Pakistan
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA_fake_vaccination_campaign_in_Pakistan
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:09.721422+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: cia-fake-vaccination-campaign-in-pakistan-20260505-0
summary:
During the manhunt for Osama bin Laden, the CIA ran a covert operation utilizing a fake hepatitis vaccine program in Pakistan to illicitly collect blood samples to confirm the presence of bin Laden or his family. The CIA recruited physician Shakil Afridi to administer hepatitis vaccines, and used the collected DNA to compare with the DNA of bin Laden's sister, who died in Boston in 2010. The program was ultimately unsuccessful in locating Osama bin Laden. It led to the arrest of a participating physician, Shakil Afridi, and was widely ridiculed as undermining public health. The program is credited with increasing vaccine hesitancy in Pakistan and a rise in violence against healthcare workers for being perceived as spies. The rise in vaccine hesitancy following the program led to the re-emergence of polio in Pakistan, with Pakistan having by far the largest number of polio cases in the world by 2014. == Aftermath == In September of 2012, after working for 30 years in Pakistan, Save the Children was expelled. In 2011, the program was condemned by Doctors without Borders. In February 2012, the program was condemned by the non-governmental organization InterAction. On January 6, 2013, the deans of twelve American


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-0.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
A variety of unfounded conspiracy theories and other misinformation about COVID-19 vaccines have spread based on misunderstood or misrepresented science, religion, and law. These have included exaggerated claims about side effects, misrepresentations about how the immune system works and when and how COVID-19 vaccines are made, a story about COVID-19 being spread by 5G, and other false or distorted information. This misinformation, some created by anti-vaccination activists, has proliferated and may have made many people averse to vaccination. Vaccine hesitancy has led to governments and private organizations around the world introducing measures to incentivize or coerce vaccination, such as lotteries, mandates, and free entry to events, which has in turn led to further misinformation about the legality and effect of these measures themselves. Critics of vaccine mandates have argued that such requirements infringe on individual medical choice and personal autonomy. In the US, some prominent biomedical scientists who publicly advocate vaccination have been attacked and threatened in emails and on social media by anti-vaccination activists. == Misinformation == Various false theories have spread in different parts of the world regarding the COVID-19 vaccines. === COVID-19 and variant related claims === ==== Prevalent COVID-19 skepticism ==== Prior to the vaccine launch


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-1.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
Recurrent claims, based on misinterpretation of statistical data, have been made regarding the efficacy of COVID-19 vaccines. A frequent fallacy consisted in concluding on the ineffectiveness (or low effectiveness) of vaccines after noticing the apparently high proportion of vaccinated patients among COVID-19-related hospitalisations and deaths, without taking into account the high proportion of vaccinated people among the general population, thus committing the base rate fallacy; or without taking into account the tendency of people at higher risk of developing severe illness from COVID-19 to be vaccinated in priority, thus ignoring the Yule–Simpson effect. In the United Kingdom, a report from the Scientific Pandemic Influenza Group on Modelling (SPI-M), published in March 2021, predicted that 60% of hospitalisations and 70% of deaths would be among people who had received two doses of the vaccine, despite the latter remaining highly effective. The report stated: "This (modelling) is not the result of vaccines being ineffective, merely uptake being so high". Multiple studies have confirmed the effectiveness of a booster dose given on top of the two normal doses of the Pfizer–BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine. There is evidence that those who have received a boosted dose experience reduced severity of infection, in addition to reduced


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-2.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
===== Bell's palsy ===== In late 2020, claims circulated on social media that the Pfizer–BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine caused Bell's palsy in trial participants. Several pictures which had originally been published prior to 2020 accompanied these posts, and were falsely labeled as these participants. During the trial, four of the 22,000 trial participants indeed developed Bell's palsy. The FDA observed that the "frequency of reported Bell's palsy in the vaccine group is consistent with the expected background rate in the general population". Debate is still ongoing about whether or not there is a causal link between any of the major COVID-19 vaccines and Bell's palsy. However, experts agree that even if an association exists, it occurs extremely rarely and the effect is small (~10 cases per 100,000 vs 3-7 cases per 100,000 in a typical pre-pandemic year). Bell's palsy is usually temporary and known to occur following many vaccines. ===== Blood clots ===== Videos posted to Facebook and Instagram have claimed without evidence that 62 percent of people given an mRNA vaccine develop blood clots, and that Pfizer's COVID-19 vaccine causes blood to clot "in a minute or two". Studies have found possible causal links between the AstraZeneca and Janssen COVID-19


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-3.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Spike protein cytotoxicity ==== In 2021, anti-vaccination misinformation circulated on social media saying that SARS-CoV-2 spike proteins were "very dangerous" and "cytotoxic". At that time, all COVID-19 vaccines approved for emergency use either contained mRNA or mRNA precursors for the production of the spike protein. This mRNA consists of instructions which, when processed in cells, cause production of spike proteins, which trigger an adaptive immune response in a safe and effective manner. ==== Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome ==== In October 2021, the website The Exposé used data published by the UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA), which misleadingly indicated that COVID-19 infection rates were higher among fully-vaccinated than unvaccinated people, to falsely claim that the COVID-19 vaccines were not only ineffective but were also causing vaccinated people to develop AIDS "much faster than anticipated". The website's claims were cited in a speech by Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. The video of Bolsonaro's speech was removed from Facebook, Instagram and YouTube for violating their policies regarding COVID-19 vaccines. In January 2022, The Exposé promoted a conspiracy theory claiming that Germans fully-vaccinated against COVID-19 "[would] have full blown Covid-19 vaccine induced acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) by the end of [the month]." ==== Vaccines as


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-4.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Approved vaccines "not available" in the United States ==== Under U.S. FDA regulations, a product approved under an Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) is considered "legally distinct" from a product that has received full approval by the FDA. Besides differences in naming and labeling to account for its approval, and increased FDA oversight over its production, there are no formulaic differences between the EUA and approved versions of a vaccine, and the two are considered interchangeable once approved. For example, the Pfizer vaccine has been labeled as "Pfizer–BioNTech COVID-19 Vaccine" since distribution began, but was assigned the United States Adopted Name "Comirnaty" upon its approval. Some anti-vaccine advocates have made claims surrounding scenarios where this distinction is allegedly applicable; claims have been made that no FDA-approved vaccine is "available" in the United States because doses labeled as "Pfizer–BioNTech COVID-19 Vaccine" were still being distributed, and not "Comirnaty". This claim was cited by a group of Louisiana Republican lawmakers, Senator Ron Johnson, and in a lawsuit filed by the First Liberty Institute against a COVID-19 vaccine mandate implemented by the U.S. military. In the case of the latter, the plaintiffs claimed that the mandate applied specifically to Comirnaty only, and not


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-5.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Political divides and distrust in government ==== Discourses against COVID vaccines became part of QAnon's set of beliefs, as adherents used the pandemic to promote the conspiracy theory. In 2021, Romana Didulo, a QAnon-affiliated Canadian conspiracy theorist calling herself the "Queen of Canada" caused her online followers to harass Canadian businesses and public authorities with demands that they cease all measures related to combating the pandemic. She was apprehended in late November after calling on her 73,000 Telegram followers to "shoot to kill" all healthcare workers administering COVID-19 vaccines. Anti-government groups such as sovereign citizens and freemen on the land also took part in the anti-vaccine movement. During lockdowns in Bulgaria, many Roma neighborhoods claimed that they were subject to lockdowns without proper explanations even though the level of infections to other parts of the country were higher than their neighborhoods. The communities already held a distrust of institutions and the government, and helped create an even more strained relationship and lack of trust. In France, Florian Philippot and Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, right-wing candidates to the 2022 presidential election, have both cast doubts about the vaccine's effectiveness and safety. === Government investigations === In December 2022, vaccine-skeptical Florida Governor Ron


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-6.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
In the United States, COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy varies largely by region; however, regardless of region, medical professionals are vaccinated at higher rates than the general public. Estimates from two surveys were that 67% or 80% of people in the U.S. would accept a new vaccination against COVID-19, with wide disparity by education level, employment status, ethnicity, and geography. A US study conducted in January 2021 found that trust in science and scientists was strongly correlated with likelihood to get vaccinated for COVID-19 among those who had not already gotten vaccinated. In March 2021, 19% of US adults claimed to have been vaccinated while 50% announced plans to get vaccinated. A 2022 study found a link between online COVID-19 misinformation and early vaccine hesitancy and refusal. Despite a strong association between vaccine hesitancy and Republican vote share at the US county and state levels, the authors found that the associations between vaccine outcomes and misinformation remained significant when accounting for political, demographic, and socioeconomic factors. In the United States, vaccine hesitancy could be seen in certain social groups due to lack of trusted medical sources, traumatic past experiences with medical care and widespread theories. Distrust can be seen in the African


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-7.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
Dolly Parton recorded herself getting vaccinated with the Moderna vaccine she helped fund, she encouraged people to get vaccinated and created a new version of her song "Jolene" called "Vaccine". Several other musicians like Patti Smith, Yo-Yo Ma, Carole King, Tony Bennett, Mavis Staples, Brian Wilson, Joel Grey, Loretta Lynn, Willie Nelson, and Paul Stanley have all released photographs of them being vaccinated and encouraged others to do so. Grey stated "I got the vaccine because I want to be safe. We've lost so many people to COVID. I've lost a few friends. It's heartbreaking. Frightening." Many actors including Amy Schumer, Rosario Dawson, Arsenio Hall, Danny Trejo, Mandy Patinkin, Samuel L. Jackson, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Sharon Stone, Kate Mulgrew, Jeff Goldblum, Jane Fonda, Anthony Hopkins, Bette Midler, Kim Cattrall, Isabella Rossellini, Christie Brinkley, Cameran Eubanks, Hugh Bonneville, Alan Alda, David Harbour, Sean Penn, Amanda Kloots, Ian McKellen and Patrick Stewart have released photographs of themselves getting vaccinated and encouraging others to do the same. Judi Dench and Joan Collins announced they have been vaccinated. Other TV personalities such as Martha Stewart, Jonathan Van Ness, Al Roker and Dan Rather released photographs of themselves getting vaccinated and encouraged others to do the


id: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-8
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy-8.md
category: reference
title: COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_vaccine_misinformation_and_hesitancy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:12.220688+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: covid-19-vaccine-misinformation-and-hesitancy-20260505-0
summary:
In France, since September 2021, all health care workers must have received at least one dose of the vaccine to continue working with any resisters suspended without pay. Additional worker groups that have been mandated to do so earlier in the year are military members and firefighters. In November 2021, Austria announced that it would introduce a nationwide vaccine mandate. In the United States, many businesses, schools and universities, healthcare providers, and governmental and state departments have enacted vaccine mandates. While many of the mandates allowed for a person to opt out due to medical or religious reasons and be regularly tested, the federal mandate signed in September 2021 did not include these options. The federal mandate was eventually struck down. Some of the mandates were focused only on specific groups, such as Rutgers University, which only mandated the vaccine for students and health-care and public-safety employees. The mandates have seen push back with a New York Judge temporarily blocking one for healthcare workers who claimed they could not opt out due to religious reasons, and Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich suing the Biden administration for its vaccine mandate for federal employees and private businesses with over 100 employees. Additional


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-0.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
Direction – Social Democracy (Slovak: Smer – sociálna demokracia), also commonly referred to as Smer, is a left-wing populist and left-wing nationalist political party in Slovakia led by its founder and incumbent prime minister, Robert Fico. The party identifies as social-democratic, and was described as a combination of "leftist economics and nationalist appeal". Founded by Fico in 1999 as a split from the post-communist Party of the Democratic Left, Smer initially defined itself as the Third Way party. It incorporated ‘Social Democracy’ into its name after merging with several minor centre-left parties in 2005. It has dominated Slovak politics since 2006, leading three coalition governments (2006–2010, 2016–2020, 2023–present) and one single-party government (2012–2016). During its time in power, it continued the European integration of Slovakia, reversed some economically liberal reforms implemented by previous centre-right governments and introduced various social welfare measures. Smer-led governments have been associated with numerous political corruption scandals. After the 2020 parliamentary election, which marked Smer's return to the opposition, Slovak authorities investigated a number of corruption-related crimes involving multiple party politicians and individuals reportedly linked to the party. Smer strongly rejected all charges, calling it the criminalization of politics.[1] At the party congress in July 2020,


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-1.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
In the 2012 Slovak parliamentary election, Smer won 44.4% of the votes and became the largest party in the National Council, with an absolute majority of 83 seats (out of 150). Fico's Second Cabinet was the first single-party government in Slovakia since 1993. In the 2014 European Parliament election in Slovakia, Smer came in first place nationally, receiving 24.09% of the vote and electing four Members of the European Parliament. In 2014, in cooperation with the Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), the party passed a constitutional amendment defining marriage exclusively as a union between a man and a woman. The amendment also states that marriage, parenthood, and family are under the protection of the law, and that children and young people are guaranteed special protection Despite suffering a significant loss in support as a result of strikes by teachers and nurses earlier in the year, Smer won the 5 March 2016 parliamentary election with 28.3% of the vote and 49 of 150 seats, and subsequently formed Fico's Third Cabinet in a coalition government with Bridge, Network, and the Slovak National Party. Prime Minister Fico resigned in the wake of the political crisis following the murder of Ján Kuciak and was replaced


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-2.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Social policy ==== In 2025, in cooperation with KDH, the party passed a constitutional amendment introducing further provisions related to cultural, ethical, and family issues. The amendment legally recognizes only two sexes, defined by biological criteria, and states that a mother is a woman and a father is a man. It bans surrogacy and guarantees a child's right to know their parents. Adoption is restricted to married heterosexual couples. The amendment also strengthens parental rights, particularly in the area of education, and requires school curricula to align with the cultural and ethical values set out in the Slovak Constitution. It affirms Slovakia's sovereignty in matters such as the protection of life, human dignity, marriage, parenthood, family, culture, language, and related areas of healthcare, education, and upbringing. It further states that Slovak law in these domains takes precedence over European Union law. In 2025, the party's government passed a law amendment requiring NGOs to submit an annual "transparency report" starting in 2026. The report must include details of donors who contribute more than 5,000 euros, including their full names. NGOs will also be required to disclose information about their governing bodies or members of those bodies. Furthermore, NGOs will be


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-3.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
While scholars avoid labeling it as a far-right party, they have described it as incorporating far-right themes, expressing views that resonate with far-right voters, or advancing an electoral program aligned with far-right agendas. Natalia Hatarova described the party's ideological drift:During the ‘90s and into the next century, Smer became increasingly Euro-optimistic, economically open, and culturally mainstream. After the killings of the Slovak investigative journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancée in 2018, Fico’s resignation and his temporary exile from mainstream politics, Smer, along with other parties, became more culturally conservative, nationalistic, and Euro-skeptic. Hatarova also argues that Smer has become increasingly friendly towards some European far-right parties and figures, such as Viktor Orbán of the Hungarian Fidesz party. However, she concludes that Smer's shift "appears to be caused by pure opportunism rather than continuous influence by Orbán [or other far-right figures]". === Economic policy === Smer advocates economically left-wing policies. The main economic proposals of the party focus on the establishment of a welfare state and supporting the poorest groups of Slovakia. Many of the party's socioeconomic policies, such as free travel for pensioners and pension increases are considered typically left-wing populist. The party also promotes redistributive policies, such as corporate


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-4.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
=== Foreign policy === Smer holds Russophilic and Eurosceptic stances on foreign policy; however, it claims to support Slovakia's membership in the European Union and NATO. The party expresses strong anti-Western, especially anti-American sentiment, often spreading Russian propaganda narratives. Regarding the Russo-Ukrainian War, Smer advocates for ending military aid to Ukraine and lifting sanctions against Russia. The party has described the conflict as a proxy war between the United States and Russia, characterizing Russia's actions as a response to perceived threats to its national interests. In its statements, Smer has claimed that the war was provoked in 2014 by what it describes as the "extermination of citizens of Russian nationality by Ukrainian fascists." However, since his return to power, Fico has taken a somewhat different line on Ukraine than during his election campaign. During a meeting with Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal in January 2024, Fico promised not to block private Slovak arms companies from selling to Ukraine, not to block EU financial support for Ukraine, and to support the accession of Ukraine to the European Union. He described Slovakia's political differences with Ukraine as "minor" and claimed to support Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. In its foreign policy manifesto,


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-5.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Appearances in Russian-aligned media ==== Leading figures of the Smer party, including the PM and party's leader Robert Fico and the deputy leader and MEP Ľuboš Blaha, have maintained a presence on media platforms in Slovakia known for promoting Russian-aligned narratives. Among these outlets are Hlavné Správy (Main News) and Infovojna (Infowar), both widely recognized as prominent sources of disinformation and Russian propaganda in Slovakia. Despite Hlavné Správy and Infovojna having been temporarily suspended by the National Security Authority in accordance with the Cyber Security Act following the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 due to identified harmful activity, the leaders continue to utilize these platforms for communication after the suspension was lifted. In December 2023, Robert Fico appeared on Infovojna, where he expressed appreciation towards "alternative media" for "correcting the distortions we have in the media market." Additionally, in October 2024, Fico appeared on Russia's state-owned television network, Rossiya 1, during the program 60 Minutes, hosted by Olga Skabeyeva. Fico criticized Western support for Ukraine, questioned the effectiveness of sanctions against Russia, and accused the West of "prolonging the war" in Ukraine. His appearance marked the first by a political leader from an EU


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-6.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
==== Communist nostalgia ==== Following a major internal split that resulted in the founding of a new party named Voice – Social Democracy (Hlas), the party began to radicalize its rhetoric, including expressing nostalgia for the prior communist state. The party politicians utilize slogans reminiscent of the communist era, such as "Loiterers from cafes, to fields and factories" and the greeting "Greetings, comrades! Honor work!" In January 2024, Prime Minister and party chairman Robert Fico and Deputy Speaker of the National Council and party vice-chairman Ľuboš Blaha visited the grave of Gustav Husák, the last communist president of the Czechoslovakia, to pay their respects. Husák was a key figure in the normalization process in Czechoslovakia – a return to strict Communist Party control and the suppression of political liberalization following the Warsaw Pact invasion in 1968. In November 2023, Blaha replaced a portrait of President Zuzana Čaputová in his parliamentary office with a portrait of Argentine Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara. In his speech at the Smer-organized commemoration of the anniversary of the Slovak National Uprising in August 2023, Blaha addressed the crowd as "comrades" and stated, "The basic historical truth is that war and fascism have always come from the


id: direction-social-democracy-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy-7.md
category: reference
title: Direction – Social Democracy
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_–_Social_Democracy
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:13.478865+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: direction-social-democracy-20260505-0
summary:
== Legal issues == Since the 2020 parliamentary election – Smer's return to the opposition, Slovak authorities have been investigating a number of corruption-related crimes. By August 2023, a total of 42 individuals reportedly linked to the party, including policemen, prosecutors, judges, members of the Slovak intelligence agency, politicians, officials, and businessmen were convicted.[2] The party strongly rejects all charges, calling it the criminalization of politics.[3] Numerous criticisms of the investigation process and the Special Prosecutor's Office were outlined in the brochure 'Overview of Violations of the Principles of the Rule of Law in the Years 2020–2023' published by the Ministry of Justice led by Boris Susko of Smer in December 2023.[4] In March 2023, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, Robert Kaliňák, who previously served as Minister of Interior, and businessman Jozef Brhel were formally indicted with bribery. Kaliňák was identified as the intermediary in a bribery scheme involving an annual sum of €200,000, purportedly arranged by Brhel for František Imrecze, who served as the President of the Financial Administration at the time. In return for the alleged bribery, Imrecze facilitated the passing of information regarding entities scheduled for corporate income tax audits and ensured the fulfillment of


id: disneyland-measles-outbreak-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disneyland_measles_outbreak-0.md
category: reference
title: Disneyland measles outbreak
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disneyland_measles_outbreak
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:14.671381+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: disneyland-measles-outbreak-20260505-0
summary:
The Disneyland measles outbreak began at the Disneyland Resort, California, in December 2014, and spread to seven states in the United States, Mexico, and Canada, before it was declared over in mid-April 2015. The first case of measles was reported on January 5, 2015, in an unvaccinated 11-year-old Californian resident. Between December 2014 and March 2015, 131 Californians were infected, with almost 90% of cases occurring in southern California. Linked to the California cases were 16 cases in six other US states, 159 cases in a religious group in Québec, Canada, and one case in Mexico. Almost all the Canadian cases were unvaccinated. The source of the initial Disney theme park exposure was not identified, but specimens from several cases matched with the recent measles outbreak in the Philippines. It triggered an international debate on vaccine hesitancy, particularly as it had spread to people who intentionally declined the vaccine and put vulnerable people who could not have the vaccine at risk. The outbreak prompted the California Senate Bill 277, laws that reverted the California personal belief vaccine exemption. Conclusions following examination of the outbreak pointed to undervaccination as a key cause. == Background == According to the Centers for Disease


id: enough-is-enough-party-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enough_is_Enough_(party)-0.md
category: reference
title: Enough is Enough (party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enough_is_Enough_(party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:16.993219+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: enough-is-enough-party-20260505-0
summary:
Enough is Enough (Serbian: Доста је било, romanized: Dosta je bilo, abbr. DJB) is a right-wing populist political party in Serbia. It was established on 27 January 2014 around the former minister of economy Saša Radulović and his associates from the ministry. Initially, the party had strong liberal, reformist, and progressive views, and in the 2016 parliamentary election they entered the parliament with 16 seats in total. Between early 2017 and 2018, its pro-European and liberal factions split off due to the internal conflict in the party. Since then, the party has shifted to the far-right and it began advocating souverainist and eurosceptic policies alongside numerous right-wing populist stances such as opposition to immigration. Its leader, Saša Radulović also promoted misinformation and several conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. == History == It was founded on 27 January 2014 as Association "It's Enough – Restart" (Serbian: Удружење "Доста је било – Рестарт", romanized: Udruženje "Dosta je bilo – Restart"), and since then it was commonly known as Enough is Enough (Serbian: Доста је било, romanized: Dosta je bilo; abbr. DJB). In 2014 Serbian parliamentary election, held less than two months after establishment, the organisation won 2.09% of votes. In yet


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-0.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
Measles is extremely contagious, but surviving the infection results in lifelong immunity, so its continued circulation in a community depends on the generation of susceptible hosts by birth of children. In communities which generate insufficient new hosts the disease will die out. This concept was first recognized by Bartlett in 1957, who referred to the minimum number supporting measles as the critical community size (CCS). Analysis of outbreaks in island communities suggested that the CCS for measles is c. 250,000. Due to the development of vaccination against measles, the world has seen a 99% decrease in measles related cases compared to cases before the vaccine was developed. == Incidence == In 2018, the WHO estimated that there were around 353,236 cases of measles worldwide. This has since decreased as in 2020 there were 159,000 approximate cases. Death from measles was reported in approximately 0.2% of the cases in the United States from 1985 through 1992. In populations with high levels of malnutrition and a lack of adequate healthcare, mortality can be as high as 10%. Increased immunization has led to an estimated 78% drop in measles deaths among UN member states. Even in countries where vaccination has been introduced, vaccination


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-1.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
As of May 2011, over 17,000 cases of measles had so far been reported from France between January 2008 and April 2011, including 2 deaths in 2010 and 6 deaths in 2011. Over 7,500 of these cases fell in the first three months of 2011, and Spain, Turkey, Macedonia, and Belgium have been among the other European countries reporting further smaller outbreaks. The French outbreak has been specifically linked to a further outbreak in Quebec in 2011, where 327 cases have been reported between January and June 1, 2011, and the European outbreaks in general have also been implicated in further small outbreaks in the US, where 40 separate importations from the European region had been reported between January 1 and May 20. In 2014 many unvaccinated US citizens visiting the Philippines, and other countries, contracted measles, resulting in 288 cases being recorded in the United States in the first five months of 2014, a twenty-year high. In Vietnam, in the measles epidemic in the beginning of 2014, as of April 19 there were 8,500 measles cases and 114 fatalities, and as of May 30 there were 21,639 measles cases and 142 fatalities. The increase of measles in January and


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-2.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
Canadian data since 1924 shows measles outbreaks occurring frequently until the large vaccination campaigns in the 1970s. The 1935 epidemic stands out during this early period, with 83,000 reported cases (770 cases per 100,000 population); the highest number of fatalities occurring in 1926, with 892. Immunization programs became widely spread during the 1970s, with an estimated 85% of the target population receiving one dose of vaccination by the end of the decade. However, the frequent recurrence of significant outbreaks (including 6,178 cases in 1991 alone) showed Canada's 1-dose strategy was lacking, even with provinces requiring immunization for school attendance. Two-dose MMR programs and catch-up campaigns were widely introduced in 1996-1997. The Canadian government defines endemic measles as a situation where a chain of transmission continues uninterrupted for 12 months. By this standard, Canada has been free of endemic measles since 1998, but sporadic imported outbreaks have continued. Southern regions of the province of Quebec witnessed a measles outbreak affecting 94 persons in the Spring and summer 2007. The outbreak lasted 25 weeks, included more than one strain of the measles virus and had 12-17 generations of spread. In 2008, Canada had more than 30 confirmed cases in Ontario in 2008,


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-3.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
Between January 1 and April 25, 2008, a total of 64 confirmed measles cases were preliminarily reported in the United States to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the most reported by this date since 2001, and the highest total number in six years. Of the 64 cases, 54 were associated with importation of measles from other countries into the United States, and 63 of the 64 patients were unvaccinated or had unknown or undocumented vaccination status. By July 9, 2008, a total of 127 cases were reported in 15 states, making it the largest US outbreak since 1997 (when 138 cases were reported). Most of the cases were acquired outside of the United States and affected individuals who had not been vaccinated. In early 2008 there was an outbreak of measles in San Diego, California. The outbreak is traced to an unvaccinated 7-year-old child who went on a family trip to Europe. The CDC refers to this as an "import-associated outbreak". The final diagnosis included 11 additional cases of measles in unvaccinated children in San Diego. All of the confirmed patients were not vaccinated because they were younger than 1, the minimum age for measles inoculation, or because


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-4.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
In February and March 2014, 20 confirmed cases appeared in New York City. In December 2014, a measles outbreak began at Disneyland in Southern California. At least 173 people have become infected with measles in 21 states, as of May 2015. Health officials say 39 cases have been traced to direct exposure at the park, with 117 infections linked by primary or secondary exposure. Among the 110 California patients, 49 (45%) were unvaccinated; five (5%) had 1 dose of measles-containing vaccine, seven (6%) had 2 doses, one (1%) had 3 doses, 47 (43%) had unknown or undocumented vaccination status, and one (1%) had immunoglobulin G seropositivity documented, which indicates prior vaccination or measles infection at an undetermined time. 12 of the unvaccinated patients were infants too young to be vaccinated. Medical professionals, such as David Gorski, have criticized physicians and pediatricians in the area who do not adhere to the CDC's recommended vaccination schedule or discourage vaccination, among them Bob Sears and Jay Gordon for reducing vaccination rates and thus weakening herd immunity, and creating a situation in which an outbreak was more likely. California passed a mandatory vaccination law in June 2015. In January 2015, it was reported that


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-5.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
=== Ukraine === Ukraine has had a multiple large outbreaks of measles. In 2001–2002, there were around 25,000 cases and 14 deaths reported. In 2006 with 44,534 reported cases with at least 2 deaths. 13,517 cases were reported in 2012. In 2019 Ukraine reported over 57,000 cases, over half the total reports in the WHO European Region. Ukraine has one of the world's worst measles epidemics with more than 100,000 cases from 2017 to June 2019, with 16 deaths in 2018. In 2016 only 31% of the population had been immunised with the MMR vaccine. Various reasons are given for the low rate of vaccination including: a distrust of the state in the 1990s, a failure to keep vaccine supplies reliably refrigerated leading to ineffectiveness, a poorly informed medical profession and a high level of vaccine distrust in the wider population. Children are required to be vaccinated before entering the school system, but UNICEF estimates that as many as 30% of vaccination certificates are falsified. === Germany === Germany has faced repeated outbreaks in the 21st century. 6,037 cases were reported in 2001 with at least two deaths. More than 1,500 cases were reported in 2006. 1,600 cases were reported


id: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles-6.md
category: reference
title: Epidemiology of measles
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epidemiology_of_measles
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:18.262071+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: epidemiology-of-measles-20260505-0
summary:
=== Portugal === Most recent reported cases of measles in Portugal are originally imported from other European countries (United Kingdom, France and Romania), Africa (Angola, South African and Ethiopia) and Asia (China). Since 2004, Portugal reported 22 confirmed cases of measles. Virus isolates from 2005 and 2008 outbreaks belong the genotype D4. Vaccination coverage in Portugal is ≥95% (since 2006) but pockets of reduced immunization coverage (85-94%) still persist in the population. In 2021-22 Portugal has reported 0 cases of measles. === Romania === On December 5, 2023, the Romanian Ministry of Health announced in a press communique that there is a measles epidemic in Romania with over 2,000 cases registered. Anti-measles vaccination in Romania is continuing a descending trend, with 72% of the eligible population having received the first dose and 62% the second dose. == Oceania == === Australia === Fourteen cases have been reported in multiple Australian and New Zealand cities including Melbourne and Auckland in the period between December 7, 2013, and January 3, 2014. The outbreak is believed to have begun at the 2013 World Supremacy Battlegrounds dance festival held in Sydney, Australia. === New Zealand === Ten cases were reported in Christchurch in July


id: freedom-alliance-finland-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_Alliance_(Finland)-0.md
category: reference
title: Freedom Alliance (Finland)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_Alliance_(Finland)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:19.472094+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: freedom-alliance-finland-20260505-0
summary:
The Freedom Alliance (Finnish: Vapauden Liitto, VL), is a national conservatist registered political party in Finland. The party was founded by Ossi Tiihonen after splitting from the Power Belongs to the People (VKK) party in February 2022. They met the 5,000 signatures requirement for registering as a political party in one day on 19 April 2022, and were officially registered on 6 May 2022. == Background == The Freedom Alliance was founded by influential members of the Power Belongs to the People (VKK) party, who left due to Ano Turtiainen's leadership and support of the Russian Federation and Vladimir Putin, as well as citing his authoritarian leadership and the religious views of the party. Ossi Tiihonen, founder of the Freedom Alliance, is a regional councilor for Lohja and was a member of the Finns Party before joining the VKK. Cia Grönborg, former party secretary, and Heli Rämäkkö, a previous vice-chairwoman, were also both influential members of the VKK and have worked as regional councilors for Espoo and Seinäjoki, respectively. They left the VKK due to perceived authoritarianism and lack of freedom to criticize the party leadership under Ano Turtiainen. In return, Turtiainen accused the splitters of being self-interested. == Ideology


id: george-s-day-movement-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George's_Day_Movement-0.md
category: reference
title: George's Day Movement
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George's_Day_Movement
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:20.628298+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: george-s-day-movement-20260505-0
summary:
The George's Day Movement (Bulgarian: Движение Гергьовден, romanized: Dvizhenie Gergyovden) is a nationalist political party in Bulgaria. The party was founded in December 1996 by members of the political satire television programme Canaletto. Members of the show, which succeeded Ku-Ku in the mid-1990s, participated in the 1997 Bulgarian protests, and had previously tried to create a party named the Ku-Ku People’s Movement in 1994, but the registration was denied by the Supreme Court of Cassation of Bulgaria, with tacit support from the two major political parties at the time, the Union of Democratic Forces and the Bulgarian Socialist Party. The founder of the party, Lyuben Dilov Jr. estimated that had it run in the 1997 parliamentary election, the party could have earned roughly 10% of the vote and over 30 seats in the parliament. Ultimately, it opted to instead focus on the local elections held in 1999, until which time it de facto operated as a union of clubs alongside the Civil Society Against Corruption Association. Future There Is Such a People founder Slavi Trifonov was a supporter of the party during this time and a member of the television program Ku-Ku and its successor. It joined the United Democratic


id: kim-goldberg-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kim_Goldberg-0.md
category: reference
title: Kim Goldberg
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kim_Goldberg
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:22.194927+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: kim-goldberg-20260505-0
summary:
Kim Goldberg (born 1954 in Eugene, Oregon) is an American-born journalist, poet and green party supporter who has lived in Canada since the 1970s. == Biography == Goldberg was born and raised in Oregon, and she holds a degree in Biology from the University of Oregon. She relocated to Canada with her family during the Vietnam War years. She is the author of four non-fiction books and two collections of poetry. Much of her published work has addressed contemporary social and environmental issues including poverty, homelessness, aboriginal rights, deforestation and nuclear weapons. She was the British Columbia Current Affairs columnist for Canadian Dimension magazine from 1990 to 2002. She has written extensively about the 1990 car bombing of environmental activist Judi Bari in Oakland, California. Her 2007 book, Ride Backwards On Dragon, was a finalist for Canada's Gerald Lampert Memorial Award for poetry. She is the 2008 winner of the Rannu Fund Poetry Prize for Speculative Literature. Her 2009 book, Red Zone, is a collection of poems and photographs about the homeless population in Nanaimo, British Columbia, where she has lived for more than thirty years. The book has been taught as a literature course text at Vancouver Island University


id: krista-haynes-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krista_Haynes-0.md
category: reference
title: Krista Haynes
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krista_Haynes
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:23.370163+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: krista-haynes-20260505-0
summary:
Krista Ford Haynes (née Ford; born September 13, 1991) is a Canadian former professional women's American football player. She is a daughter of Ontario Premier Doug Ford and niece of former Toronto Mayor Rob Ford. She was the captain of the Toronto Triumph, a team in the Legends Football League. Over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic in Ontario, Haynes has shared COVID-19 misinformation and anti-vaccine and anti-mask sentiment, and has been critical of COVID-19 vaccine passports. == Lingerie Football League == Haynes, who was a student at Humber College, was one of more than 100 women who tried out for the first team when the league's Toronto franchise first opened for business in 2011. Press coverage of Haynes' tryout routinely mentioned that she was the niece of then Toronto mayor Rob Ford and the daughter of then city councillor Doug Ford. According to technology journalist Patrick Seitz, the league had lacked stars in its early seasons, so the limited press coverage the league received treated it solely as a "peep show". He asserted that Haynes and Angela Rypien, the daughter of former Super Bowl MVP Mark Rypien, were two potential stars the league could offer in its 2011 season.


id: hold-up-2020-film-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hold-up_(2020_film)-0.md
category: reference
title: Hold-up (2020 film)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hold-up_(2020_film)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:24.482712+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: hold-up-2020-film-20260505-0
summary:
Hold-up is a 2020 independent pseudoscience propaganda film directed by French conspiracy theorist Pierre Barnérias. The film makes a number of false claims about the COVID-19 pandemic. Hold-Up was first released as a VoD on Vimeo 11 November 2020. Vimeo deleted the film the next day, citing the numerous lies in the film; DailyMotion likewise removed the film the next day. The film continues to be spread on social media among QAnon supporters. == Plot == Hold-Up claims that a global conspiracy plot had been formed by the world's elites, and particularly the World Economic Forum. According to the film, the SARS-CoV-2 virus was deliberately created for an excuse to enslave humanity. A full version of the documentary that remains online has been watched more than 2,000,000 times, while a trailer for Hold Up also remains visible on Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. All central claims of the film have been proven to be wrong, and the producers of the film have been shown to falsify their sources and misrepresent statements. == See also == Plandemic == References == == External links == official site Archived 2020-11-22 at the Wayback Machine Hold-up at IMDb Dazed & Confused: Reporting on Europe’s troubled


id: homeoprophylaxis-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homeoprophylaxis-0.md
category: reference
title: Homeoprophylaxis
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homeoprophylaxis
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:25.781225+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: homeoprophylaxis-20260505-0
summary:
Homeoprophylaxis, or homeopathic prophylaxis, is the use of homeopathy, as a preventive medicine or immunisation against serious infectious diseases. == History == === Malaria === The concept came to wider notice in the UK after an undercover operation by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, Sense about Science and BBC Newsnight in 2006. Posing as a traveller to countries known to be affected by malaria a researcher visited pharmacies in London and recorded her conversations with homeopaths who offered the incorrect advice that homeopathic remedies could protect against malaria. Dr Peter Fisher, the then Director of the Royal London Homeopathic Hospital (since renamed to Royal London Hospital for Integrated Medicine) told Newsnight that there was "absolutely no reason to think that homeopathy works to prevent malaria" and that "people may even die of malaria if they follow this advice." Following the programme's broadcast the General Pharmaceutical Council (GPhC) began an investigation into some of the pharmacies involved but in 2011 announced it was dropping the cases citing improvements already made to prevent a re-occurrence and the cases not meeting the threshold criteria for a referral to the investigation committee. === Purported alternative to vaccines === In 2010 a


id: angas-johnson-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angas_Johnson-0.md
category: reference
title: Angas Johnson
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angas_Johnson
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:28.049866+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: angas-johnson-20260505-0
summary:
Edward Angas Johnson (1873 – 19 June 1951), known as Angas or E. Angas Johnson, was City Health Officer of Adelaide, South Australia. His name has very frequently been misspelled as "Angus" Johnson. == History == Johnson was born in Angaston, South Australia to James Angas Johnson (1841 – 19 May 1902) and his wife Catharine Johnson, née Williams (1841–1909), who married in 1866. James Angas Johnson's mother, Rosetta French Johnson (25 April 1813 – 23 August 1898), later Hannay, was the eldest daughter of George Fife Angas. The Johnsons owned a magnificent property, "St Catharine's" in Prospect, later the administration centre of Blackfriars Priory School. He was educated at Whinham College in North Adelaide, St Peter's College, and the University of Adelaide, but (with many others) was unable to complete the requirements of the Bachelor of Medicine degree in Adelaide because of the "Hospital Row", a toxic standoff between the Adelaide Hospital and the State Government in the mid- to late 1890s, (see Nurse Graham) and professional rivalries as exemplified by this exchange between Professor Archibald Watson and Dr Leith Napier, in which Johnson's name was mentioned. Hence, it was in Melbourne where he graduated in 1897, as did


id: jwa-list-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JWA_List-0.md
category: reference
title: JWA List
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JWA_List
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:29.208806+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: jwa-list-20260505-0
summary:
JWA List (German: Liste JWA, JWA), also known as JWA – Wirth Anderlan, is a right-wing populist and separatist political party active in South Tyrol, Italy. The party has the aim of representing the German-speaking minority, holds an Eurosceptic stance, opposes immigration, and is involved in anti-vaccine activism. The party's founder and leader is Jürgen Wirth Anderlan, former Südtiroler Schützenbund captain. == History == The JWA List was founded by Jürgen Wirth Anderlan in July 2023 with the aim of running in the 2023 provincial election. JWA ran on a right-wing platform, especially opposing immigration and advocating for the separation of South Tyrol from Italy. In the election, the party took 5.9% of the vote, fending off competition from the alike anti-vaccine Vita, becoming the province's fifth largest party, surpassing the established right-wing Die Freiheitlichen and electing two councilors, Anderlan and SVP-dissident Andreas Colli. In October 2024 Colli left the party and launched the alternative Us Citizens (WB). == Election results == === Provincial Council === == Leadership == Leader: Jürgen Wirth Anderlan (2023–present) == References == == External links == Official website


id: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report-0.md
category: reference
title: Lancet MMR vaccine-autism report
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:30.442608+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
summary:
On 28 February 1998, a fraudulent research paper primarily authored by physician Andrew Wakefield, along with twelve other coauthors (titled "Ileal-lymphoid-nodular hyperplasia, non-specific colitis, and pervasive developmental disorder in children"), was published in The Lancet, a British medical journal. The paper falsely claimed causative links between the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine and colitis, and between colitis and autism. The fraud involved data bias and manipulation, and two undisclosed conflicts of interest. It was exposed in a lengthy Sunday Times investigation by reporter Brian Deer, resulting in the paper's retraction in February 2010 and Wakefield's being discredited and struck off the UK medical register three months later. In the paper, Wakefield fabricated evidence to suggest a new "syndrome" existed, which he called "autistic enterocolitis". Wakefield had been employed by a lawyer representing parents in lawsuits against vaccine producers, and had reportedly earned up to US$43 million per year selling diagnostic kits for the non-existent syndrome he claimed to have discovered. He also held a patent to a rival measles vaccine at the time. The scientific consensus on vaccines and autism is that there is no connection between MMR (or any other vaccine) and autism. == 1998 The Lancet paper


id: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report-1.md
category: reference
title: Lancet MMR vaccine-autism report
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:30.442608+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
summary:
Multiple subsequent studies failed to find any link between the MMR vaccine, colitis, and autism. In March 1998, a panel of 37 scientific experts set up by the Medical Research Council, headed by Professor Sir John Pattison found "no evidence to indicate any link" between the MMR vaccine and colitis or autism in children. Public concern over Wakefield's claims of a possible link between MMR and autism gained momentum in 2001 and 2002, after he published further papers suggesting that the immunisation programme was not safe. These were a review paper with no new evidence, published in a minor journal, and two papers on laboratory work that he said showed that measles virus had been found in tissue samples taken from children who had autism and bowel problems. There was wide media coverage including distressing anecdotal evidence from parents, and political coverage attacking the health service and government peaked with unmet demands that Prime minister Tony Blair reveal whether his infant son, Leo, had been given the vaccine. It was the biggest science story of 2002, with 1257 articles mostly written by non-expert commentators. In the period January to September 2002, 32% of the stories written about MMR mentioned Leo


id: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report-2.md
category: reference
title: Lancet MMR vaccine-autism report
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:30.442608+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
summary:
=== Conflict of interest === Public understanding of the claims sharply changed in February 2004 with revelations by The Sunday Times of an undisclosed conflict of interest on Wakefield's part in that, two years before the paper's publication, he had been approached by Richard Barr, a lawyer of Justice, Awareness and Basic Support, who was looking for an expert witness to start a planned class action regarding alleged "vaccine damage". Barr hired Wakefield at £150 per hour, plus expenses, and only then did they recruit the twelve children, actively seeking the parents of cases that might imply a connection between MMR and autism. Barr and Wakefield convinced the UK Legal Aid Board, a UK government organization to give financial support to people who could not afford access to justice, to assign £55,000 to fund the initial stage of the research. According to journalist Brian Deer, the project was intended to create evidence for the court case, but this only became publicly known six years after the Lancet report, with the newspaper's first disclosures. Based on Deer's evidence, the Lancet's editor-in-chief Richard Horton said Wakefield's paper should have never been published because its findings were "entirely flawed". Although Wakefield maintained that


id: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report-3.md
category: reference
title: Lancet MMR vaccine-autism report
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:30.442608+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
summary:
=== Manipulation of data === The Sunday Times continued the investigation, and on 8 February 2009, Brian Deer reported that Wakefield had "fixed" results and "manipulated" patient data in the Lancet, creating the appearance of a link with autism. Wakefield falsely denied these allegations, and even filed a complaint with the Press Complaints Commission (PCC) over this article on 13 March 2009. The complaint was expanded by a 20 March 2009 addendum by Wakefield's publicist. In July 2009, the PCC stated that it was staying any investigation regarding the Sunday Times article, pending the conclusion of the GMC investigation. Wakefield did not pursue his complaint, which Deer then published along with a statement saying he and The Sunday Times rejected the complaint as "false and disingenuous in all material respects", and that the action had been suspended by the PCC in February 2010. === UK General Medical Council inquiry === Responding to the first Sunday Times reports, the General Medical Council (GMC), which is responsible for licensing doctors and supervising medical ethics in the UK, launched an investigation into the affair. The GMC brought the case itself, not citing any specific complaints, claiming that an investigation was in the public


id: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report-4.md
category: reference
title: Lancet MMR vaccine-autism report
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:30.442608+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
summary:
=== Full retraction and fraud revelations === In an April 2010 report in The BMJ, Deer expanded on the laboratory aspects of his findings recounting how normal clinical histopathology results generated by the Royal Free Hospital were later changed in the medical school to abnormal results, published in the Lancet. Deer wrote an article in The BMJ casting doubt on the "autistic enterocolitis" that Wakefield claimed to have discovered. In the same edition, Deirdre Kelly, President of the European Society of Pediatric Gastroenterology and Nutrition and the Editor of the Journal of Pediatric Gastroenterology and Nutrition expressed some concern about The BMJ publishing this article while the GMC proceedings were underway. On 5 January 2011, The BMJ published the first of a series of articles by Brian Deer, detailing how Wakefield and his colleagues had faked some of the data behind the 1998 Lancet article. By looking at the records and interviewing the parents, Deer found that for all 12 children in the Wakefield study, diagnoses had been tweaked or dates changed to fit the article's conclusion. Continuing BMJ series on 11 January 2011, Deer said that based upon documents he obtained under freedom of information legislation, Wakefield—in partnership with


id: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report-5.md
category: reference
title: Lancet MMR vaccine-autism report
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancet_MMR_vaccine-autism_report
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:30.442608+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: lancet-mmr-vaccine-autism-report-20260505-0
summary:
== Aftermath == Characterised as "perhaps the most damaging medical hoax of the 20th Century", The Lancet paper led to a sharp drop in vaccination rates in the UK and Ireland. Promotion of the claimed link, which continues in anti-vaccination propaganda despite being refuted, led to an increase in the incidence of measles and mumps, resulting in deaths and serious permanent injuries. Following the initial claims in 1998, multiple large epidemiological studies were undertaken. Reviews of the evidence by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the Institute of Medicine of the US National Academy of Sciences, the UK National Health Service, and the Cochrane Library all found no link between the MMR vaccine and autism. Physicians, medical journals, and editors have described Wakefield's actions as fraudulent and tied them to epidemics and deaths. Among commentators drawing on Deer's investigation, academic Peter N. Steinmetz summarizes six fabrications and falsifications in the paper itself and in Wakefield's response: findings of non-specific colitis; timing of MMR vaccine administration and first behavioral symptoms; findings of regressive autism; ethics consent statement; conflict of interest statement; and methods of patient referral. Wakefield has continued to defend his research and conclusions,


id: the-patriots-france-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Patriots_(France)-0.md
category: reference
title: The Patriots (France)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Patriots_(France)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:31.618624+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: the-patriots-france-20260505-0
summary:
The Patriots (French: Les Patriotes; LP) is a nationalist and hard Eurosceptic political party in France. Founded by former vice president of the Front National (FN) Florian Philippot, it was registered on 29 September 2017. The party strongly supports a French withdrawal from both the European Union (EU) and Eurozone. == Gallery == == Election results == === European Parliament === == See also == List of political parties in France Politics of France == References == == External links == Official Les Patriotes website


id: leviathan-movement-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_Movement-0.md
category: reference
title: Leviathan Movement
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_Movement
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:32.744963+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: leviathan-movement-20260505-0
summary:
The Leviathan Movement (Serbian: Покрет Левијатан, romanized: Pokret Levijatan) is a neo-fascist political organisation in Serbia, that presents itself as an animal rights organisation. It is led by Pavle Bihali. == History == The organisation was formed in 2015 as an animal rights group, focused on safeguarding of stray dogs. In 2016, the movement became popular when videos of the members of organisation rescuing animals showed up on social media, as well as videos of them offering compensation for information on animal abusers. Initially, the movement only focused on animal rights issues, exposing animal abusers, and taking their animals away from them. However, the movement has shifted from solely being an animal rights group to openly talking about political issues, mainly illegal immigration. In 2020, the organisation announced that they will be forming a party that will participate in the 2020 parliamentary election, in a coalition with the far-right anti-vax "I live for Serbia" movement. Its leader, Pavle Bihali, appeared under a Russian minority ballot list for the 2022 election which was ultimately rejected by the Republic Electoral Commission (RIK) because it did not collect enough valid signatures. According to CeSID, the ballot list did not support minority rights, but


id: ethan-lindenberger-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethan_Lindenberger-0.md
category: reference
title: Ethan Lindenberger
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethan_Lindenberger
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:33.972187+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: ethan-lindenberger-20260505-0
summary:
Ethan Lindenberger (born September 30, 2000) is an American activist known for his opposition to anti-vaccine disinformation campaigns. He received vaccinations, against his mother's wishes, on reaching the age of majority. In November 2018, Lindenberger used Reddit to ask for help on how he should proceed to get vaccinated. Lindenberger said his mother believed in conspiracy theories about vaccines and so he had not been vaccinated as a child. Around the age of 13 years old, Lindenberger began pursuing vaccines related resources, such as Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) articles, hence deciding that after reaching adulthood he wanted to exercise his right to be vaccinated. He says his mother rejected vaccination because of unfounded fears about adverse effects of vaccines. His father however was reluctant to vaccinate younger kids instead of everyone. His story, which involved intergenerational conflict, caught the attention of media and politicians. In March 2019, Lindenberger was invited to attend a US Senate hearing which dealt with epidemics of diseases such as measles, which can be easily prevented but are returning because of the dissemination of misleading information about vaccines. == References == == External links == Ethan Lindenberger on Facebook Ethan Lindenberger Channel on


id: list-of-anti-vaccination-groups-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_anti-vaccination_groups-0.md
category: reference
title: List of anti-vaccination groups
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_anti-vaccination_groups
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:35.170428+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: list-of-anti-vaccination-groups-20260505-0
summary:
A list of groups who are anti-vaccine, vaccine-critical, or vaccine hesitant. == Global == White Rose (disinformation group) World Chiropractic Alliance == Europe == === Austria === Democratic – Neutral – Authentic MFG Austria – People Freedom Fundamental Rights === Denmark === Freedom List === Finland === Crystal Party Power Belongs to the People Freedom Alliance (Finland) === France === National League for Liberty in Vaccination === Germany === Grassroots Democratic Party of Germany WiR2020 === Greece === Free People === Hungary === Normális Élet Pártja === Iceland === Responsible Future === Italy === 3V Movement Vita ENZIAN-Südtirol === Netherlands === List30 === Slovenia === Resni.ca === Turkey === New Welfare Party Party of Life without Imposition === United Kingdom === Humanitarian League (historical) JABS Let London Live National Anti-Vaccination League (historical) Pioneer Club (historical) == North America == === Canada === Vaccine Choice Canada Free Party Canada === United States === Anti-Vaccination League of America Anti-Vaccination Society of America Association of American Physicians and Surgeons The Autism Community in Action (TACA; formerly Talk About Curing Autism) Children's Health Defense Children's Medical Safety Research Institute Freedom Angels Foundation Health Freedom Idaho Informed Consent Action Network Learn The Risk National Vaccine


id: brian-martin-social-scientist-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brian_Martin_(social_scientist)-0.md
category: reference
title: Brian Martin (social scientist)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brian_Martin_(social_scientist)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:36.361961+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: brian-martin-social-scientist-20260505-0
summary:
Brian Martin (born 1947) is a social scientist in the School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities, at the University of Wollongong (UOW) in NSW, Australia. He was appointed a professor at the university in 2007, and in 2017 was appointed emeritus professor. His work is in the fields of peace research, scientific controversies, science and technology studies, sociology, political science, media studies, law, journalism, freedom of speech, education and corrupted institutions, as well as research on whistleblowing and dissent in the context of science. Martin was president of Whistleblowers Australia from 1996 to 1999 and remains their International Director. He has been criticized by medical professionals and public health advocates for promoting the disproven oral polio vaccine AIDS hypothesis and supporting vaccine hesitancy in the context of his work. Martin has spoken at a British Science Association Festival of Science, and testified at the Australian Federal Senate's Inquiry into Academic Freedom. The crustacean Polycheles martini was named after him. == Biography == Martin was born in the United States in 1947 and raised in Tulsa, Oklahoma. He earned a BA in physics at Rice University in Texas in 1969, and, seeking to avoid


id: brian-martin-social-scientist-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brian_Martin_(social_scientist)-1.md
category: reference
title: Brian Martin (social scientist)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brian_Martin_(social_scientist)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:36.361961+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: brian-martin-social-scientist-20260505-0
summary:
=== Vaccines === Martin has offered support for the discredited proposal that oral polio vaccine caused AIDS. The hypothesis first came to notice in Rolling Stone magazine by way of journalist Curtis and AIDS activist Elswood in 1992, and was later further promoted by the journalist/writer Hooper and Martin, with Hooper crediting Martin for giving the OPV-AIDS link hypothesis "further publicity and credibility". Martin disputes the claim that he has been a supporter of the hypothesis, instead saying that he has "never argued in favour of the OPV theory", but has instead stated "that it was and remains worthy of consideration yet in many ways has been unfairly dismissed". A 2016 article in The Australian described Martin's 2010 paper as claiming "that medical researchers had colluded to silence the theory that the AIDS virus was caused by contaminated polio vaccines in 1950s Africa." Immunologist and research scientist Greg Woods refuted Martin's posit on the Tasmanian devil facial tumour disease stating Martin's 2014 paper in The Conversation on the theory behind the cancer "misrepresents the state of the science". In 2014, Martin published a paper characterising criticism of Andrew Wakefield's discredited claims about vaccines and autism as "suppression of vaccination dissent".


id: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation-0.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine misinformation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:37.684169+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
summary:
Misinformation related to immunization and the use of vaccines circulates in mass media and social media despite the fact that there is no serious hesitancy or debate within mainstream medical and scientific circles about the benefits of vaccination. Unsubstantiated safety concerns related to vaccines are often presented on the Internet as being scientific information. A large proportion of internet sources on the topic are inaccurate which can lead people searching for information to form misconceptions relating to vaccines. Although opposition to vaccination has existed for centuries, the internet and social media have recently facilitated the spread of vaccine-related misinformation. Intentional spreading of false information and conspiracy theories have been propagated by the general public and celebrities. Active disinformation campaigns by foreign actors are related to increases in negative discussions online and decreases in vaccination use over time. Misinformation related to vaccination leads to vaccine hesitancy which fuels disease outbreaks. As of 2019, prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, vaccine hesitancy was considered one of the top 10 threats to global health by the World Health Organization. == Extent == A survey by the Royal Society for Public Health found that 50% of the parents of children under the age of five


id: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation-1.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine misinformation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:37.684169+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
summary:
=== Alternative remedies to vaccination === Responding to misinformation, some may resort to complementary or alternative medicine and homeopathy as an alternative to vaccination. Those who believe in this narrative view vaccines as 'toxic and adulterating' while seeing alternative 'natural' methods as safe and effective. Some of the misinformation circulating around alternate remedies for vaccination include: False: Eating yoghurt cures human papillomavirus: Eating any natural product does not prevent or cure HPV. False: Homeopathy can be used as an alternative to protect against measles: Homeopathy has been shown to be ineffective against preventing measles. False: Quercetin, zinc, vitamin D, and other nutritional supplements can protect from/treat COVID-19: none of the above can prevent or treat COVID-19. False: Nosodes are an alternative to vaccines: There is no evidence supporting nosodes' effectiveness in preventing or treating infectious diseases. === Vaccination as genocide === Misinformation that forced vaccination could be used to "depopulate" the earth circulated in 2011 by misquoting Bill Gates. There is misinformation implying that vaccines (particularly the mRNA vaccine) could alter DNA in the nucleus. mRNA in the cytosol is very rapidly degraded before it would have time to gain entry into the cell nucleus. (mRNA vaccines must be stored


id: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation-2.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine misinformation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:37.684169+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
summary:
False: Polio is not a real disease and the symptoms are actually due to DDT poisoning: The first major documented polio outbreak in the United States occurred in 1894 in Vermont. In the early 20th century, a polio epidemic started in the west causing 6,000 deaths and leaving 27,000 people paralyzed. In 1954, the Salk Institute created the polio vaccine putting an end to the epidemic and saving millions of lives. The incorrect theory that polio was related to pesticide poisoning predates the discovery of the polio vaccine. It was proposed in 1952 by Dr. Ralph R. Scobey in an article in the Archives of Pediatrics. Scobey argued that there were similarities between the symptoms of polio and various types of poisoning, and suggested that polio outbreaks might be more likely to occur during the summer and be related to consumption of fresh fruit and vegetables. While pesticides such as DDT are dangerous, as was shown by Rachel Carson in Silent Spring in 1962, they are not dangerous in the way that Scobey believed them to be, as a cause of polio. Studies have clearly demonstrated causal relationships showing that polio is caused by a virus. Vaccines have proven effective


id: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation-3.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine misinformation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:37.684169+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
summary:
=== Effects on herd immunity === Vaccine-related misinformation has decreased the effectiveness of herd immunity, especially for measles. The World Health Organization reported that measles vaccine compliance dropped by 3% from 2019 to 2024. In the United States, measles vaccine rates officially dropped below the herd immunity threshold of 95% during the 2023-2024 academic year. Lancet Digital Health Journal stated that there are only a few percentage points of herd immunity that make the difference between having an epidemic and not having an epidemic, highlighting just how crucial it is to maintain concrete vaccination rates. Countries such as the United States, the UK, and Ukraine have reported increased measles cases alongside misinformation campaigns for the MMR vaccine. === Vaccine mandate exemptions === Multiple states across the US offer exemptions to vaccine mandates for medical, religious, and philosophical reasons. Medical exemptions are often requested by a physician when a patient is severely immunocompromised, usually due to cancer treatment, HIV/AIDS, or other pre-existing health complications. Religious exemptions typically surround vaccines whose development involved human fetal cells. Philosophical exemptions account for any exemption that does not meet the qualifications for medical or religious exemptions; these exemptions are based in personal beliefs and are


id: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation-4.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine misinformation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:37.684169+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
summary:
Communication strategies to counter vaccine misinformation and effectively improve the intention to vaccinate include communicating the scientific consensus that vaccines are safe and effective, using humour to dispel vaccine myths, and providing vaccine misinformation warnings. Compared to these, debunking vaccine misinformation and providing vaccine education materials work less in tackling misinformation. Scare tactics, and failing to acknowledge uncertainty is not effective, and can even backfire and worsen the intention to vaccinate. Research shows that science communicators should directly counter misinformation because of its negative influence on silent audience who are observing the vaccine debate, but not engaging in it. The refutations to vaccine-related misinformation should be straightforward in order to avoid emphasizing misinformation. It is useful to pair scientific evidence with stories that connect to the belief and value system of the audience. Interventions for parents/caregivers who make decisions about their children's vaccination are vital. Given the complexity of this problem, effective evidence-based strategies have yet to be identified. Although many wish to provide families with as much corrective information as possible, this often has unintended consequences. One study in 2013 tested four separate interventions to correct MMR vaccine misinformation and promote parental behavioral change: (1) Provide information explaining lack


id: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation-5.md
category: reference
title: Vaccine misinformation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaccine_misinformation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:37.684169+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: vaccine-misinformation-20260505-0
summary:
=== Some vaccine-preventable diseases have been eradicated === Vaccination has enabled the reduction of most vaccine-preventable diseases (e.g. polio has been eradicated in every country except Afghanistan and Pakistan). However, some are still prevalent and even cause epidemics in some parts of the world. If the affected population is not protected by vaccination, the disease can quickly spread from country to country. Vaccines not only protect individuals, but also lead to herd immunity if a sufficient number of people in the population have taken the vaccine. Eradication is the permanent elimination of an infectious disease worldwide through deliberate efforts, rendering further intervention measures unnecessary. To date, the only disease that has been successfully eradicated is smallpox. Poliomyelitis was targeted for eradication by the year 2000, and significant progress was made towards this goal, with the Western Hemisphere being declared polio-free and over a year having passed without any reported cases in the Western Pacific Region of the World Health Organization. An examination of the technical feasibility of eradicating other diseases preventable by vaccines currently available in the United States suggests that measles, hepatitis B, mumps, rubella, and possibly Haemophilus influenzae type b are potential candidates for eradication. From a practical


id: conservative-bulgaria-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conservative_Bulgaria-0.md
category: reference
title: Conservative Bulgaria
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conservative_Bulgaria
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:38.924807+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: conservative-bulgaria-20260505-0
summary:
Conservative Bulgaria (Bulgarian: Консервативна България), previously known as National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria (Bulgarian: Национален фронт за спасение на България, romanized: Natsionalen front za spasenie na Bŭlgariya, NFSB), is a national conservative political party in Bulgaria. == History == The party was established on 17 May 2011 in sports hall Boycho Branzov in Burgas as the National Salvation Front for Bulgaria. Its founding was attended by over 820 people from across the country, mainly from the cities of Varna, Shumen, Asenovgrad, Pazardzhik, Plovdiv, Vratsa, Svilengrad, Lovech, Chirpan, Stara Zagora, Vidin, and Dobrich. The party was described as ultra-nationalist by foreign observers. The party elected three leaders - Valeri Simeonov, Valentin Kasabov and Dancho Hadzhiev. The Secretary of the party is Maria Petrova. The National Political Council includes 19 people, such as independent councilors from Burgas and hosts from SKAT TV (i.e. Velizar Enchev and Valentin Fartunov). Among the party's founders is former regional president of the Union of Democratic Forces in the city Vladimir Pavlov. The party was a member of the Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) group during the 7th European Parliament. On 3 August 2014, a coalition agreement was signed between NFSB and VMRO called


id: nationalist-party-of-bulgaria-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nationalist_Party_of_Bulgaria-0.md
category: reference
title: Nationalist Party of Bulgaria
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nationalist_Party_of_Bulgaria
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:40.081744+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: nationalist-party-of-bulgaria-20260505-0
summary:
The Nationalist Party of Bulgaria or NPB (Natzionalisticheska Partiya na Bulgaria) (Bulgarian: Националистическа партия на България), was a far-right nationalist political party in Bulgaria that was formed in 2013. Since then the party is believed to have carried out multiple attacks on illegal migrants and refugees within Bulgaria, however, these claims were never substantiated. Some commentators have compared it to the Golden Dawn party in Greece. == References ==


id: neutral-bulgaria-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neutral_Bulgaria-0.md
category: reference
title: Neutral Bulgaria
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neutral_Bulgaria
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:41.199971+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: neutral-bulgaria-20260505-0
summary:
Neutral Bulgaria (Bulgarian: Неутрална България, romanized: Neutralna Balgarija) was a coalition of political parties in Bulgaria created to participate in the 2023 Bulgarian parliamentary election. The members are in support of the Russian Federation and Russian president Vladimir Putin, as well as in opposition to NATO. == History == The coalition was led by Nikolai Malinov, who was personally awarded by Vladimir Putin and has been placed under sanctions from the Magnitsky Act. Volen Siderov stood as the party's candidate in Sofia and Varna. The coalition received 0.40% of the vote, well below the 4% threshold to enter the National Assembly. The coalition fell apart during the lead-up to the October 2024 parliamentary election due to the ideological gap between the right-winged Russophiles and the left-winged communists, as well as internal opposition within the communist parties due to Malinov's espionage charges. Malinov would go on to form the Russophiles for Bulgaria to contest the elections. == Composition == === 2023 === === 2024 === == Electoral history == === National Assembly === == References ==


id: new-welfare-party-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Welfare_Party-0.md
category: reference
title: New Welfare Party
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Welfare_Party
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:42.416574+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: new-welfare-party-20260505-0
summary:
The New Welfare Party (Turkish: Yeniden Refah Partisi, YRP) is an Islamist and ultraconservative political party in Turkey, founded on 23 November 2018. The party positions itself as the successor to the Welfare Party (Turkish: Refah Partisi), which was a prominent Islamist political party in the 1990s. The party's founder and leader Fatih Erbakan is the son of the late Turkish prime minister Necmettin Erbakan who was the founder of the original Welfare Party and the inspiration for the Millî Görüş ideology. == History == YRP was established by Fatih Erbakan, who aimed to revive the legacy of the original Welfare Party, which had been a significant political force in Turkey before its closure by the Constitutional Court in 1998 for activities against the principle of secularism. The founding of the New Welfare Party reflects an effort to re-enter the political scene with a reformed agenda that complies with the secular and democratic framework of the Turkish Republic while retaining a focus on Islamic values. On 21 January 2023, leader of the far-right Danish political party Stram Kurs, Rasmus Paludan was permitted to burn a Quran outside the Turkish embassy in Stockholm. Following the incident, the party protested Sweden in


id: niki-greek-political-party-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niki_(Greek_political_party)-0.md
category: reference
title: Niki (Greek political party)
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niki_(Greek_political_party)
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:43.750060+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: niki-greek-political-party-20260505-0
summary:
The Democratic Patriotic Popular Movement "Niki" (Greek: Δημοκρατικό Πατριωτικό Λαϊκό Κίνημα «Νίκη», romanized: Dimokratikó Patriotikó Laikó Kínima “Níki”), often shortened to simply Niki (lit. 'Victory'), is a far-right political party in Greece. It was founded by educator Dimitris Natsios in 2019. In the parliamentary elections of June 2023, the party received a percentage of 3.70%, electing 10 deputies to the Hellenic Parliament in which today, it forms the 7th Parliamentary Group. Its main programmatic positions are defined as, "Faith, Fatherland, Family", the radical restructuring of education in Greek schools, changing Greek nationality law in regards to immigrants and refugees and the adoption of measures to solve the demographic problem, such as supporting large families and the traditional family. The party is supportive of the Greek Orthodox Church and has been described as "ultra-religious". == History == The party was founded by the public education teacher and theologian Dimitris Natsios on 17 June 2019 in Thessaloniki, after the signing of the Prespa Agreement and one month before the 2019 parliamentary elections, in which he did not participate. He emerged in the polls shortly before the May 2023 elections. In that election, the first in which it participated, it garnered 2.92% of


id: one-nation-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-0.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
Pauline Hanson's One Nation (PHON), commonly known as One Nation (ON), is a right-wing populist political party in Australia. It is led by its founder Pauline Hanson, who has been a senator for Queensland since 2016 and previously served in the House of Representatives from 1996 to 1998. The party was founded by Hanson in 1997 following her disendorsement by the Liberal Party and enjoyed an initial period of electoral success in the late 1990s. It polled second at the 1998 Queensland state election and won the third-highest vote count in both the House of Representatives and Senate at the 1998 federal election, though only winning a single Senate seat. It subsequently underwent a period of electoral decline and several party splits, while retaining representation in the Parliament of Queensland until 2009. Following Hanson's return as leader, the party won four seats at the 2016 federal election and retained representation across the following three federal elections, despite several high-profile defections. The party experienced increased popularity in and following the May 2025 federal election. After the Liberal Party's leadership challenge and falling out with the Nationals, Barnaby Joyce defected from the Nationals and joined One Nation in December 2025. Australia's richest


id: one-nation-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-1.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
The 1998 Queensland state election produced One Nation's greatest electoral success, with the ALP winning 44 seats to be the largest party in the Assembly, the Coalition winning 32 seats and One Nation winning 11 seats. During the campaign, polling for One Nation led to commentators saying One Nation might secure the balance of power in a hung parliament. During the campaign, all three major political parties suffered a decline in voter support due to One Nation having entered the fray. The National Party saw an 11.1% drop in support, their Liberal Party coalition partners lost 6.7% and Labor's vote dropped 4.0%. To the surprise of many pundits, the One Nation Party received 22.7% of the first preference vote, giving them the second largest voter turnout for any party in Queensland during the 1998 election. One Nation drew the majority of its support from regional and rural Queensland, winning nine of its 11 seats in rural and regional electorates. With nearly 23% of the vote, One Nation gained a higher percentage of the vote than any other third party (i.e. not Labor or Coalition) at the state or territory level since Federation. This was also the only election at which


id: one-nation-20260505-2
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-2.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
==== Internal disputes and claims of corruption (1999–2003) ==== The party was affected by internal divisions and has split several times. Lawsuits involving ex-members did eventually force Hanson to repay approximately $500,000 of public funding won at the 1998 Queensland election amid claims by Abbott that the party was fraudulently registered. Abbott established a trust fund called "Australians for Honest Politics Trust" to help bankroll civil court cases against the party. The suits alleged that the party was undemocratically constituted in order to concentrate all power in the hands of three people—Hanson, Ettridge and Oldfield (in particular Oldfield)—and that it technically had only two members: Ettridge and Hanson. Even though Hanson's fraud charges were dropped, the Electoral Commission of Queensland never reimbursed Hanson for the monies that they collected from the claim. Within a year of One Nation's electoral success, three of the 11 Queensland MPs elected had quit the party claiming the leadership had too much control over the party. The One Nation contingent in the Queensland Parliament split, with dissident members forming the rival City Country Alliance in late 1999. The first Annual General Meeting of the One Nation party was held in April 1999, which critic Paul


id: one-nation-20260505-3
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-3.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
==== Revival of Pauline Hanson's One Nation (2013–2015) ==== Hanson rejoined One Nation as a rank-and-file member in 2013. Later that year, she unsuccessfully contested the Senate for New South Wales at the 2013 federal election. In 2014, Hanson was reappointed as leader by the One Nation executive. She contested the seat of Lockyer for the party at the January 2015 Queensland state election, falling 114 votes short of defeating sitting Liberal National Party member Ian Rickuss. In 2013, it was reported by One Nation that the party had more than 5000 members, with the figure rising since Hanson returned as party leader. In July 2015, Hanson announced that the party was renamed the original "Pauline Hanson's One Nation" and contested in the Senate for Queensland at the 2016 federal election. In the lead up to the 2016 election, Hanson arranged a "Fed Up" tour that began in July 2015 as part of her re-election campaign, flying in a private plane to Rockhampton prior to a Reclaim Australia rally, piloted by James Ashby. ==== Return to federal politics in 45th parliament (2016) ==== At the 2016 federal election the party polled 4.3% (+3.8) of the nationwide primary vote in the


id: one-nation-20260505-4
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-4.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
==== 2019 election and 46th parliament ==== At the May 2019 federal election, One Nation polled 5.40% (up 1.12%) for the nationwide Senate primary vote. The party polled higher than their national vote in Queensland, taking 10.27% up 1.08%, of the primary vote in the senate. The PHON House of Representatives candidate for the Division of O'Connor, Dean Smith, was in December of the same year a target of recruitment for Neo-Nazi group The Base. In secretly recorded tapes of his "interview" by a recruiter, Smith tells of his hatred of immigrants and his wish to "save the race". He tells the recruiter that he had become "more and more extreme and passionate about my views", and disillusioned with One Nation and the possibility of a political solution. However, he was deemed too great a risk for The Base because of his political profile, so was not admitted into their ranks. In 2019, Hanson received widespread condemnation in the Australian media after claiming that domestic violence victims routinely lie to the Family Court. The Law Council of Australia called for the abandonment of a federal parliamentary inquiry into the family law system, citing concerns that the hearings were being used


id: one-nation-20260505-5
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-5.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
==== 2025–2026 elections ==== In the lead-up to the 2025 Australian federal election to elect the 47th Parliament of Australia, pollsters recorded an increase in One Nations primary vote, particularly near the end of the campaign period where the party began to come close to or surpass their result at the 1998 Australian federal election. One Nation ran 147 candidates in the House of Representatives, and a Senate team for each state and territory except for the Australian Capital Territory. One Nation won 6.4% of the vote in the House of Representatives, the second-best result for the party since its inception. One Nation won a senate seat in New South Wales and Western Australia with Warwick Stacey and Tyron Whitten, doubling its Senate representation. Stacey resigned for health reasons shortly after his election, with Sean Bell, a former political advisor to Pauline Hanson, announced as Stacey's successor on 16 September 2025. In May 2025, South Australian MLC Sarah Game quit the party, citing brand issues associated with One Nation. It came after her mother, who had been leader of One Nation in South Australia, Jennifer Game, resigned from the party after she was not chosen to head the party ticket


id: one-nation-20260505-6
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-6.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
=== Contemporary === Writer Hans-Georg Betz described One Nation and Pauline Hanson in 2019 as among "the first prominent radical right-wing populist entrepreneurs to mobilize popular resentment against a very specific target — the intellectual elite" and that in the twenty-first century where "today's army of self-styled commentators and pundits summarily dismissing radical right-wing populist voters as uncouth, uneducated plebeians intellectually incapable of understanding the blessings of progressive identity politics, Hanson's anti-elite rhetoric anno 1996 proved remarkably prescient, if rather tame." Betz also argued that One Nation differs from European right-wing parties by focusing on its own brand of populism which he termed Hansonism based on Hanson's personality and debates unique to Australian society. Despite the party's early image as an anti-immigration party, the party has – since 2016 – run a number of migrant Chinese and Indian candidates in elections. Political scientist Ian McAllister argues the current version of One Nation from 2017 does not have much in the way of policy beyond an "anti-establishment stance" while others have argued it has changed to focus its policies on opposition to Islam. During the 2017 Queensland state election, One Nation disendorsed its Bundamba candidate Shan Ju Lin after her anti-gay


id: one-nation-20260505-7
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-7.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
=== Welfare and pensions === One Nation is in favour of a substantial increase in the aged pension and disability support pension. It was reported in 2016 that One Nation had voted with the Liberal government on a number of welfare cuts. One Nation is also opposed to increasing the age of entitlement to 70 years, and supports a $100 a week increase under the work bonus scheme for pensioners. In 2024, One Nation cooperated with the Albanese government and minister Bill Shorten in reforming the National Disability Insurance Scheme to crack down on alleged misuse of the system and to rein in the growing costs of the program. === COVID-19 vaccines === Many politicians, commentators and scientists claim that One Nation senators have spread misinformation and conspiracies on the effectiveness and scientific basis of COVID-19 vaccines. One Nation opposes vaccine mandates, but denies being against vaccinations. However, in 2021, One Nation MLC Mark Latham said that vaccinated people should be exempt from Sydney's COVID-19 lockdown. One Nation introduced legislation in 2021 pertaining to COVID-19 mandates, with the bill proposing banning discrimination on COVID-19 vaccination status in the fields of goods, services, facilities, employment, education, accommodation, and sport. It was


id: one-nation-20260505-8
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation-8.md
category: reference
title: One Nation
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Nation
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:45.114297+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: one-nation-20260505-0
summary:
=== Queensland === === Northern Territory === === Maps === == Leaders == === Federal === Unlike the Queensland state leadership, the changes of the federal leadership of the party were largely undocumented (besides Hanson's terms), due to previously having low media attention and confusion of branch leadership within the party. In August 2017, the party's constitution was changed so that Hanson would be party President for as long as she may wish, and to choose her successor, who may also continue until resignation. === New South Wales === === Victoria === === Western Australia === === South Australia === === Queensland === === Australian Capital Territory === == Members of parliament == === Current MPs === ==== Federal ==== ==== South Australia ==== Cory Bernardi MLC (2026–present) Carlos Quaremba MLC (2026–present) Rebecca Hewett MLC (2026–present) David Paton MP (Ngadjuri, 2026–present) Robert Roylance MP (Hammond, 2026–present) Jason Virgo MP (MacKillop, 2026–present) Chantelle Thomas MP (Narungga, 2026–present) ==== Victoria ==== Rikkie-Lee Tyrrell MLC (Northern Victoria, 2022–present) ==== Western Australia ==== Rod Caddies MLC (2025–present) Phil Scott MLC (2025–present) === Former MPs === == Donors == A 2019 report found that Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party had received over $6,000 in disclosed


id: our-homeland-movement-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Our_Homeland_Movement-0.md
category: reference
title: Our Homeland Movement
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Our_Homeland_Movement
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:46.285774+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: our-homeland-movement-20260505-0
summary:
Our Homeland Movement (Hungarian: Mi Hazánk Mozgalom [ˈmi ˈhɒzaːŋk ˈmozɡɒlom], Mi Hazánk, MH or MHM) is a far-right political party in Hungary. It was founded by Ásotthalom mayor and former Jobbik Vice-President László Toroczkai, along with other Jobbik dissidents who left the organization after the party's leadership moved away from its radical right beginnings and became more moderate. The party ran in the 2019 European Parliament election for the first time but did not win a seat. In the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election, it became the third-largest party in the country, with a result of nearly 6%, far surpassing public opinion polls. In the 2024 European Parliament election, the party continued to increase its support, reaching nearly 7%. The party again received almost 6% of the vote in the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election, maintaining its 6 seats. == History == On 8 April 2018, after the loss in the 2018 Hungarian parliamentary election, Jobbik president Gábor Vona, resigned and a reform congress was announced in the party. Toroczkai was the first to indicate his intention to run for the position of president, which was followed by the presidential application of Tamás Sneider, nominated by the acting presidency. Almost half of


id: our-homeland-movement-20260505-1
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Our_Homeland_Movement-1.md
category: reference
title: Our Homeland Movement
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Our_Homeland_Movement
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:46.285774+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: our-homeland-movement-20260505-0
summary:
=== Social issues === The party strongly opposes LGBT rights. After the release of a children's book, Meseország mindenkié, which features LGBT members and ethnic minorities as characters, Dúró referred to the book as "homosexual propaganda" during a press conference and promptly ripped pages out of the book and then shredded them. The move caused significant controversy and garnered international attention. The party has called for a ban on LGBT pride marches. Eventually, the Fidesz government banned pride marches in the country in 2024, resulting in the largest pride march in the country's history. === Environment === In an interview with Mandiner, Toroczkai described Our Homeland Movement as "a unique green party in Europe", and thus the party is sometimes referred to as supporting some form of green conservatism. Toroczkai further said that "we are unwilling to accept that only anti-social and anti-human liberal parties can be green parties. We think that those who do not want to protect our environment, our forests, our beautiful Great Plain, Lake Balaton, our rivers cannot really love their homeland." === Health === Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in Hungary, the party protested against lockdown measures set in place by the government, accusing them of


id: party-of-young-people-20260505-0
file: data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Party_of_Young_People-0.md
category: reference
title: Party of Young People
tags: science, encyclopedia
source_url: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Party_of_Young_People
date_saved: 2026-05-05T09:11:47.485935+00:00
instance: kb-cron
parent: party-of-young-people-20260505-0
summary:
The Party of Young People (Romanian: Partidul Oamenilor Tineri; POT, lit. '[I] can/ [They] can') is a political party in Romania, founded by MP Anamaria Gavrilă, who had previously left the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR). POT supported the candidacy of independent Călin Georgescu in the 2024 presidential election, even before Georgescu appeared in opinion polls. == History == The Party of Young People was founded by Anamaria Gavrilă on 31 July 2023. === 2024 elections === In the 2024 local elections, the party won 11 local councillor mandates. The party did not participate in the 2024 European Parliament election. For the 2024 parliamentary election, the party has nominated over 140 candidates from various professions (entrepreneurs, lawyers, drivers, sales specialists, engineers), including many candidates from the diaspora. === Support for Georgescu's candidacy === The Party of Young People attempted to register Anamaria Gavrilă's candidacy for the 2024 presidential election, but later gave up and chose to support Călin Georgescu following an internal poll. The party strongly associates itself with Georgescu and calls on Georgescu voters to vote for it in the parliamentary elections. Party of Young People campaigns heavily on social media, such as TikTok, Instagram and Telegram


