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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_work_management-0.md
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title: "Social work management"
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_work_management"
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Social work management is the management of organisations or enterprises in the social economy and non-profit sector, e.g., public service providers, charities, youth welfare offices, associations, etc.
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Social work management has been traditionally pursued by social workers, social pedagogues, pedagogues, psychologists without additional management skills and knowledge or legal practitioners and business economists – often without reference to the social economy. Furthermore, Social work management is a field of education & practice established since 1980s in Europe & North America that focuses on person-centred leadership, motivation & strategic issues. It manages organizations in social economy & non-profit sector.
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Most scholars and practitioners agree that social work managers need to have a high degree of leadership skills to make considered managerial decisions, to empower social workers, to develop staff within and collaborate with partners outside the social and human service organisation. Social work management as a field of social work education and practice was established in many universities in Europe and North America since the 1980s. Established qualifications in higher education first included diplomas in social economy. It originally focused on person-centred leadership, motivation and strategic issues. It combines management with social pedagogical, psychological, and sociological knowledge and skills.
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== Definition ==
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In today's understanding, social management includes all management functions that are necessary for the management of social and/or non-profit organizations. This includes finance and accounting of social organizations, development of mission statements and concepts, city and social marketing, public relations, organizational development, human resource management, project management, quality management and other sub-disciplines of management and business administration.
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In contrast to management in other industries, branches and areas of the economy (e.g. sports management or media and education management), social work management takes into account characteristics especially of organizations in the social sector: the provision of person-centered social services, the peculiarities of non-profit organizations and, in particular, labour and welfare services, the close integration into the social law as well as the character of the services as merit goods. With the increasing spread of private providers, social work management is also referred to as the management of enterprises in the social economy. Against this background, social work management can also be understood as a so-called specialised form of business administration for social enterprises or companies.
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Some authors also understand social work management as the management of people with special consideration of human relationships in the sense of human resources management. However, this understanding does not apply to all social services organizations. A systemic approach to social work management also takes into account emotions, different meanings, and various relationships. When providing social services, the focus lies on the professional development of empathic and trusting relationships with the recipients of these services.
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== Theoretical Foundations ==
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The theoretical foundations of social work management are rooted in social work theories and principles as well as management studies. These theories help us understand how people act and how social and economic factors affect that behaviour. Theories like systems theory, psychodynamic theory, and human behaviour in the social environment theory are used to guide the way social work management is done. Understanding the theories behind social work management is important for making good decisions in the field that are socially sustainable.
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Social Work management is an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary subject that is marked by it hybrid function (see figure 1), including other academic disciplines such as business and economics, public management, social sciences, humanities, sustainability sciences, cultural studies, political sciences, law studies, etc.
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== Principles ==
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Some principles of social work management are also included in national quality standards (e.g. NASW Standards for Social Work Case Management).
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== Methods of Teaching and Learning ==
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Despite the fact that there is already a vast amount of literature available about management education and learning as well as social work education, the development of social work management education as a specific academic sub-discipline is still in progress and under discussion.
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== References ==
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spatial_turn-0.md
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title: "Spatial turn"
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spatial_turn"
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Spatial turn is an intellectual movement that places emphasis on place and space in social science and the humanities. It is closely linked with quantitative studies of history, literature, cartography, geography, and other studies of society. The movement has been influential in providing and analyzing mass amounts of spatial data for study of cultures, regions, and specific locations. An important aspect is the realisation that the spatial environment not only provides a physical background for historical and social developments, but also helps to shape them. According to this understanding, spaces are also constructed through social interactions and also shape these in turn.
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== History ==
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Academics such as German philosopher Ernst Cassirer and American historian Lewis Mumford helped to define a sense of "community" and "commons" in their studies, forming the first part of a "spatial turn." The turn developed more comprehensively in the later 20th century in French academic theories, such as those of Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, and Henri Lefebvre.
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Technologies have also played an important role in "turns." The introduction of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) has also been instrumental in quantifying data in the humanities for study by its place. In the 21st century, the increasing availability of smaller scale geographic data tracking individuals through mobile phones has led the spatial turn to spawn the mobilities turn which focuses on the movement of people, ideas, and things through space.
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== References ==
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== Bibliography ==
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Berti, Irene (2024). "Der spatial turn in den klassischen Altertumswissenschaften (und speziell in der Epigraphik)". Journal of Ancient Civilizations. 39 (1): 99–121.
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title: "Standard social science model"
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Standard_social_science_model"
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The term standard social science model (SSSM) was first introduced by John Tooby and Leda Cosmides in the 1992 edited volume The Adapted Mind. They used SSSM as a reference to social science philosophies related to the blank slate, relativism, social constructionism, and cultural determinism. They argue that those philosophies, capsulized within SSSM, formed the dominant theoretical paradigm in the development of the social sciences during the 20th century. According to their proposed SSSM paradigm, the mind is a general-purpose cognitive device shaped almost entirely by culture.
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After establishing SSSM, Tooby and Cosmides make a case for replacing SSSM with the integrated model (IM), also known as the integrated causal model (ICM), which melds cultural and biological theories for the development of the mind. Supporters of SSSM include those who feel the term was conceived as a point of argument in support of ICM specifically and evolutionary psychology (EP) in general. There are criticisms that the allegation of SSSM is based on a straw man or rhetorical technique.
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== Alleged proponents ==
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Steven Pinker names several prominent social scientists as proponents of the standard social science model, including John B. Watson, Margaret Mead, Franz Boas, B. F. Skinner, Richard Lewontin, John Money, and Stephen Jay Gould.
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== Alternative theoretical paradigm: the integrated model ==
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The authors of The Adapted Mind have argued that the SSSM is now out of date and that a progressive model for the social sciences requires evolutionarily-informed models of nature-nurture interactionism, grounded in the computational theory of mind. Tooby and Cosmides refer to this new model as the integrated model (IM).
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Tooby and Cosmides provide several comparisons between the SSSM and the IM, including the following:
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== Criticism of the coining of the term ==
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Richardson (2007) argues that, as proponents of evolutionary psychology (EP), evolutionary psychologists developed the SSSM as a rhetorical technique: "The basic move is evident in Cosmides and Tooby's most aggressive brief for evolutionary psychology. They want us to accept a dichotomy between what they call the "Standard Social Science Model" (SSSM) and the "Integrated Causal Model" (ICM) they favor ... it offers a false dichotomy between a manifestly untenable view and their own."
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Wallace (2010) has also suggested the SSSM to be a false dichotomy and claims that "scientists in the EP tradition wildly overstate the influence and longevity of what they call the Standard Social Science Model (essentially, behaviorism) of human cognition".
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Geoffrey Sampson argues that the SSSM is based on a straw man. He views Pinker's claim that the SSSM has been the dominant theoretical paradigm in the social sciences since the 1920s as "completely untenable". In his argument, Sampson cites British education policies in the 20th century that were guided by social scientists and which were based on the belief that children had in-built talents and needs. Thus, he challenges Pinker's assertion that the view of the mind among all social scientists is a tabula rasa. Moreover, Sampson only conditionally agrees that the scientists Pinker associates with the SSSM, such as Skinner, Watson, and Mead, were influential, stating, "to identify them as responsible for the general tone of intellectual life for eighty years seems comical". Similarly, Neil Levy appears to concur with Sampson's straw man thesis regarding the conception of the SSSM, against which evolutionary psychologists direct much of their criticism. Levy writes: "No-one—not even Skinner and his followers—has ever believed in the blank slate of Pinker's title."
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Hilary Rose has criticized Tooby and Cosmides' arbitrary exclusion of economics and political science from their SSSM model, which Rose argues is "rather like excluding physiology and biochemistry from an account of the life sciences". She also states that Tooby and Cosmides have publicly indicted sociologists and anthropologists of inappropriate separatist behavior towards other academic disciplines while ignoring their newer efforts that demonstrate the complete opposite. Rose notes how sociologists and anthropologists have many new developments that involve study of the natural sciences and technology. Furthermore, Rose suggests that Tooby and Cosmides' characterization of scientists like Gould, Lewontin, Steven Rose and Leon Kamin as SSSM adherents is based on an inaccurate reading of works like The Mismeasure of Man and Not in Our Genes, two books that have explored the interplay between biology and the environment.
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Simon Hampton (2004) contends that evolutionary psychologists' account of the SSSM misses the debate on the existence of psychological instincts in the early part of the 20th century. He argues: psychological and behavioural thinkers have for long periods been immersed in the implications of Darwinism. It is plainly and factually incorrect for evolutionary psychology to deny this. And it is disingenuous to down-play it. Evolutionary psychologists who use the term "Standard Social Science Model" and rhetorical equivalents such as "the neo-behaviourist tradition" ... and "the tabula rasa view" ... undermine their own much-vaunted rigor.
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== References ==
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Notes
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Bibliography
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Barkow, J., Cosmides, L. & Tooby, J. 1992. The adapted mind: Evolutionary psychology and the generation of culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Degler, C.N. 1991. In search of human nature: The decline and revival of Darwinism in American social thought. New York: Oxford University Press.
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Harrison, L.E. & Huntington, S.H. 2000. Culture Matters. New York: Basic Books.
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Somit, A. & Peterson, S.A. 2003. Human Nature and Public Policy: An Evolutionary Approach. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
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== Further reading ==
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Rose, Hilary (2001). "Colonising the Social Sciences?". In Rose, Steven; Rose, Hilary (eds.). Alas Poor Darwin: Arguments Against Evolutionary Psychology. London: Vintage. pp. 182–219. ISBN 978-0-09-928319-5.
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Schmaus, Warren (2003). "Is Durkheim the Enemy of Evolutionary Psychology?". Philosophy of the Social Sciences. 33 (1). SAGE Publications: 25–52. doi:10.1177/0048393102250281. S2CID 145666169.
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== External links ==
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Tooby and Cosmides briefly define the SSSM in their Evolutionary Psychology Primer.
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transclass-0.md
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Transclass, class transitioner, class defector (French: transfuge de classe), or social defector (French: transfuge social) refers to an individual who has experienced a major change in social environment during their lifetime. The concept of transclass was coined by the French philosopher Chantal Jaquet. In the English translation of her work, Gregory Elliot employs the term class-passing (French: passage (de classe)) instead of defection (French: transfuge). Similarly, the German translation by Horst Brühmann established the term "class passer" (German: Klassenübergänger) in this context.
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== Definition ==
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Becoming transclass follows a significant passing in social space, meaning for an individual to permeate the boundaries that differentiate social classes. This passing can occur following marriage, employment, studies, etc. Whether upward or downward, passing necessitates substantial social mobility. The existence of defectors is therefore partly linked to the possibility for individuals to radically change their social environment.
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The upward change of social class encounters not only sociological difficulties (see in particular the theses of Pierre Bourdieu), but also psychological difficulties, which were discovered by Vincent de Gaulejac through the concept of class neurosis (French: La Névrose de classe, book published in 1987; re-edited in 1991).
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The concept of transclass was put forward by the philosopher Chantal Jaquet, who herself experienced a transclass trajectory. Chantal Jaquet published her theory in the book titled "The Transclasses or the non-reproduction" in 2014 (French: Les Transclasses ou la non-reproduction) followed by a collective work "The Transclass Factory" (French: La fabrique des transclasses) published in 2018 and edited with philosopher Gérard Bras. The first book was translated into English by Gregory Elliot titled Transclasses – A Theory of Social Non-reproduction and published in 2023. According to Chantal Jaquet, her conceptual model supplements Bourdieu's work on exceptions to social reproduction (non-reproduction) within a class by using the "logic of the contrary" (rather than the logic of contradiction). The concept of transclass discusses possible causes of these exceptional life paths (social advancement) without resorting to the "ideology of the self-made man."
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== Media coverage ==
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The concept was the subject of the French documentary "Infrared – The Transclass Challenge" (French: Infrarouge - Le défi des transclasses) broadcast in May 2020. It was also featured in the French weekly radio program "Obstacle Course" (French: Parcours de combattants), which aired during the France Inter summer schedule in 2021. In Philonomist, an independent online publication exploring business, work, and economic trends through philosophy and the human sciences, Chantal Jaquet and French sociologist Gérald Bronner discussed a potential miserabilist discourse on transclass identity published in March 2023. Jaquet cautioned against "any moralization of transclass people," advocating that "a free being needn’t be ashamed nor proud of their origins."
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== Reception ==
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According to Laélia Véron and Karine Abiven, class passing has become a “'screen term' that artificially popularizes the idea of social mobility in a world where real opportunities for mobility are limited and where the reversal of hierarchies does not seem likely to happen anytime soon”, and a “mythical category” rather than a sociological one. In their book "Betray and avenge. Paradoxes in stories of class defection" (French: Trahir et venger. Paradoxes des récits de transfuge de classe, 2024), they explain that the defector or passing narrative, after enjoying great success, is currently experiencing a “backlash” and they question its future.
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Sociologist Cédric Hugrée, a researcher at the CNRS specializing in social classes and the sociology of education, explains that there are several discrepancies between the most well-known stories of upward passing and the state of social mobility in France today: "The emphasis is on achieving significant social and geographical mobility, essentially through education bias, and therefore intended for cultural fractions of the upper classes. Finally, for many, these are stories about men. (...) However, upward mobility tends to be small-scale social mobility, which more often involves women. And while degrees play a major role in accessing skilled jobs, there are also other ways of accessing dominant positions (through money, sport, politics, the arts, etc.) that are less widely reported, or are not published in literary collections. From this point of view, we could say that the transclass (French sic.: "transfuge") narrative as a genre is far from having exhausted the reality of social mobility, whereas, according to you, it seems to have exhausted the novelistic."
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== Bibliography ==
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=== English ===
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Jaquet, Chantal, author; Elliott, Gregory, translator. Transclasses: A theory of Social Non-reproduction. London, New York; Verso Books, 2023. ISBN 978-1-83976-885-9
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=== French ===
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Bourdieu, Pierre. Esquisse pour une auto-analyse ("Outline for a Self-Analysis"). Paris; Raisons d’agir, 2004. doi:10.7202/018181ar
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Desmitt, Claire. La figure du transfuge: illustration biographique d’un parcours de résistance et de recherche ("The Figure of the Defector: A Biographical Portrait of a Journey of Resistance and Inquiry"). In: Le sujet dans la cité ("The subject in the city"), 2015/1 (Actuels n°4), p. 164-175. doi:10.3917/lsdlc.hs04.0164
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Dubois, Régis. Réflexions d'un transclasse qui n'a pas trahi ("Reflections of a transclass individual who has not betrayed (their roots"). Woodstock/TheBookEdition, 2026. ISBN 978-2-9542012-8-3
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Eribon, Didier. Retour à Reims ("Return to Reims"). Paris; Fayard, 2009. ISBN 978-2-213-63834-8
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Ernaux, Annie. Écrire la vie ("Writing Life"). Paris; Gallimard, 2011.
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Gaulejac, Vincent de. La névrose de classe: trajectoire sociale et conflits d'identité ("The Class Neurosis: Social Trajectories and Identity Conflicts"). Montréal; Hommes & Groupes Éd., 1987. ISBN 978-2-86984-014-0
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Gaulejac, Vincent de. La névrose de classe: trajectoire sociale et conflits d’identité ("The Class Neurosis: Social Trajectories and Identity Conflicts"). Paris; Payot & Rivages, 2016. ISBN 978-2-228-91643-1
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Jaquet, Chantal. Les transclasses ou La non-reproduction ("Transclasses: A Theory of Social Non-reproduction"). Paris; PUF, 2014. ISBN 978-2-13063-182-8
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Jaquet, Chantal, et Bras, Gérard (dir.). La fabrique des transclasses (“The Making of Transclasses” or “The Transclass Factory”). Paris; PUF, 2018. ISBN 978-2-13081-102-2
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Jaquet, Chantal. Révolutions transclasses: Une nouvelle théorie de l'émancipation ("Transclass Revolutions: A New Theory of Emancipation"). Paris; PUF, 2026. ISBN 978-2-13-089106-2
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Lagrave, Rose-Marie. Se ressaisir: enquête autobiographique d'une transfuge de classe féministe ("Pulling Oneself Together: An Autobiographical Investigation of a Feminist Class Defector"). Paris; la Découverte, 2021. ISBN 978-2-348-04503-5
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Louis, Édouard. En finir avec Eddy Bellegueule ("The End of Eddy (Bellegueule)". Paris; Seuil, 2014. ISBN 978-2-7578-5297-2
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Véron, Laélia, et Abiven, Karine. Trahir et venger: Paradoxes des récits de transfuges de classe ("Betrayal and Revenge: Paradoxes in the Narratives of Class Defectors"). Paris; La Découverte, 2024. ISBN 978-234808-261-0
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== References ==
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== External links ==
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transclasse in Wiktionnaire (French)
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transclass im Wiktionary (English)
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Visual_anthropology-0.md
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Visual anthropology is a subfield of social anthropology that is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and, since the mid-1990s, new media. More recently it has been used by historians of science and visual culture. Although sometimes wrongly conflated with ethnographic film, visual anthropology encompasses much more, including the anthropological study of all visual representations such as dance and other kinds of performance, museums and archiving, all visual arts, and the production and reception of mass media. Histories and analyses of representations from many cultures are part of visual anthropology: research topics include sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings and photographs. Also within the province of the subfield are studies of human vision, properties of media, the relationship of visual form and function, and applied, collaborative uses of visual representations.
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Multimodal anthropology describes the latest turn in the subfield, which considers how emerging technologies like immersive virtual reality, augmented reality, mobile apps, social networking, gaming along with film, photography and art is reshaping anthropological research, practice and teaching.
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== History ==
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Even before the emergence of anthropology as an academic discipline in the 1880s, ethnologists used photography as a tool of research. Anthropologists and non-anthropologists conducted much of this work in the spirit of salvage ethnography or attempts to record for posterity the ways-of-life of societies assumed doomed to extinction (see, for instance, the Native American photography of Edward Curtis)
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The history of anthropological filmmaking is intertwined with that of non-fiction and documentary filmmaking, although ethnofiction may be considered as a genuine subgenre of ethnographic film. Some of the first motion pictures of the ethnographic other were made with Lumière equipment (Promenades des Éléphants à Phnom Penh, 1901).
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Robert Flaherty, probably best known for his films chronicling the lives of Arctic peoples (Nanook of the North, 1922), became a filmmaker in 1913 when his supervisor suggested that he take a camera and equipment with him on an expedition north. Flaherty focused on "traditional" Inuit ways of life, omitting with few exceptions signs of modernity among his film subjects (even to the point of refusing to use a rifle to help kill a walrus his informants had harpooned as he filmed them, according to Barnouw; this scene made it into Nanook where it served as evidence of their "pristine" culture). This pattern would persist in many ethnographic films to follow (see as an example Robert Gardner's Dead Birds). Flaherty is cited by Inuk photographers such as Peter Pitseolak as a key motivator for starting a photography practice. Pitseolak met Flaherty, and was inspired to document everyday Inuit life from his own perspective, at a time of immense societal change and government intrusion in the Canadian North.
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By the 1940s and early 1950s, anthropologists such as Hortense Powdermaker, Gregory Bateson, Margaret Mead (Trance and Dance in Bali, 1952) and Mead and Rhoda Metraux, eds., (The Study of Culture at a Distance, 1953) were bringing anthropological perspectives to bear on mass media and visual representation. Karl G. Heider notes in his revised edition of Ethnographic Film (2006) that after Bateson and Mead, the history of visual anthropology is defined by "the seminal works of four men who were active for most of the second half of the twentieth century: Jean Rouch, John Marshall, Robert Gardner, and Tim Asch. By focusing on these four, we can see the shape of ethnographic film" (p. 15). Many, including Peter Loizos, would add the name of filmmaker/author David MacDougall to this select group.
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In 1966, filmmaker Sol Worth and anthropologist John Adair taught a group of Navajo Indians in Arizona how to capture 16mm film. The hypothesis was that artistic choices made by the Navajo would reflect the 'perceptual structure' of the Navajo world. The goals of this experiment were primarily ethnographic and theoretical. Decades later, however, the work has inspired a variety of participatory and applied anthropological initiatives - ranging from photovoice to virtual museum collections - in which cameras are given to local collaborators as a strategy for empowerment.
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In the United States, Visual Anthropology first found purchase in an academic setting in 1958 with the creation of the Film Study Center at Harvard's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. In the United Kingdom, The Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology at the University of Manchester was established in 1987 to offer training in anthropology and film-making to MA, MPhil and PhD students and whose graduates have produced over 300 films to date. John Collier, Jr. wrote the first standard textbook in the field in 1967, and many visual anthropologists of the 1970s relied on semiologists like Roland Barthes for essential critical perspectives. Contributions to the history of Visual Anthropology include those of Emilie de Brigard (1967), Fadwa El Guindi (2004), and Beate Engelbrecht, ed. (2007). A more recent history that understands visual anthropology in a broader sense, edited by Marcus Banks and Jay Ruby, is Made To Be Seen: Historical Perspectives on Visual Anthropology. Turning the anthropological lens on India provides a counterhistory of visual anthropology (Khanduri 2014). More broadly, visual anthropology recently involves a call to make visual culture central to the exploration of social and political experience; to give primacy to the visual, against a conventional approach in the social sciences that treats the visual as secondary to written sources and discourse (Pinney 2005; Kalantzis 2019).
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In the 2010s, a new movement emerged within visual anthropology focusing on the creation of graphic ethnographies—anthropological works that combine visual narratives with traditional ethnographic research. This approach uses comic book and graphic novel formats to communicate anthropological insights, making complex cultural analysis more accessible to broader audiences while exploring new forms of scholarly expression. The University of Toronto Press launched the ethnoGRAPHIC series in 2017, beginning with Lissa: A Story about Medical Promise, Friendship, and Revolution by Sherine Hamdy and Coleman Nye. Other notable works in this emerging field include Forecasts: A Story of Weather and Finance at the Edge of Disaster (Schuster et al. 2023), V. Chitra's Drawing Coastlines: Climate Anxieties and the Visual Reinvention of Mumbai's Shore (2024), both of which demonstrate how graphic anthropology can illuminate the complex intersections between climate change, environmental management, and cultural understanding through visual storytelling that captures the lived experiences of communities grappling with environmental uncertainty. This multimodal approach represents a significant expansion of visual anthropology's methodological toolkit, demonstrating how the medium of comics can serve both as a research method and a form of ethnographic representation that captures aspects of cultural experience that traditional text-based ethnography might not fully convey.
|
||||
At present, the Society for Visual Anthropology (SVA) represents the subfield in the United States as a section of the American Anthropological Association, the AAA.
|
||||
In the United States, ethnographic films are shown each year at the Margaret Mead Film Festival as well as at the AAA's annual Film and Media Festival. In Europe, ethnographic films are shown at the Royal Anthropological Institute Film Festival in the UK, The Jean Rouch Film Festival in France, Ethnocineca in Austria and Ethnofest in Greece. Dozens of other international festivals are listed regularly in the Newsletter of the Nordic Anthropological Film Association [NAFA].
|
||||
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|
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title: "Visual anthropology"
|
||||
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|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Visual_anthropology"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:58:56.752879+00:00"
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
== Timeline and breadth of prehistoric visual representation ==
|
||||
While art historians are clearly interested in some of the same objects and processes, visual anthropology places these artifacts within a holistic cultural context. Archaeologists, in particular, use phases of visual development to try to understand the spread of humans and their cultures across contiguous landscapes as well as over larger areas. By 10,000 BP, a system of well-developed pictographs was in use by boating peoples and was likely instrumental in the development of navigation and writing, as well as a medium of storytelling and artistic representation. Early visual representations often show the female form, with clothing appearing on the female body around 28,000 BP, which archaeologists know now corresponds with the invention of weaving in Old Europe. This is an example of the holistic nature of visual anthropology: a figurine depicting a woman wearing diaphanous clothing is not merely an object of art, but a window into the customs of dress at the time, household organization (where they are found), transfer of materials (where the clay came from) and processes (when did firing clay become common), when did weaving begin, what kind of weaving is depicted and what other evidence is there for weaving, and what kinds of cultural changes were occurring in other parts of human life at the time.
|
||||
Visual anthropology, by focusing on its own efforts to make and understand visual representations, is able to establish many principles and build theories about human visual representation in general.
|
||||
|
||||
== List of films ==
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
Ethnofiction
|
||||
Ethnographic film
|
||||
Gregory Bateson
|
||||
John Collier Jr.
|
||||
Multimodal Anthropology
|
||||
Visual Anthropology (journal)
|
||||
Visual sociology
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
== Bibliography ==
|
||||
Alloa, Emmanuel (ed.) Penser l'image II. Anthropologies du visuel. Dijon: Presses du réel 2015. ISBN 978-2-84066-557-1 (in French).
|
||||
Banks, Marcus; Morphy, Howard (Hrsg.): Rethinking Visual Anthropology. New Haven: Yale University Press 1999. ISBN 978-0-300-07854-1
|
||||
Marcus Banks and David Zeitlyn, 2015. Visual methods in social research (Second Edition), Sage: London
|
||||
Barbash, Ilisa and Lucien Taylor. Cross-cultural Filmmaking: A Handbook for Making Documentary and Ethnographic Films and Videos. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.
|
||||
Bassnet, Sarah and Sarah Parsons. Photography in Canada, 1839-1989: An Illustrated History. 2023, Art Canada Institute: Toronto.
|
||||
Collier, Malcolm et al.: Visual Anthropology. Photography As a Research Method. University of Mexico 1986. ISBN 978-0-8263-0899-3
|
||||
Daniels, Inge. 2010. The Japanese House: Material Culture in the Modern Home. Oxford: Berg Publishers.
|
||||
Coote, Jeremy and Anthony Shelton. 1994. Anthropology, Art and Aesthetics. Clarendon Press.
|
||||
Edwards, Elisabeth (Hrsg.): Anthropology and Photography 1860–1920. New Haven, London 1994, Nachdruck. ISBN 978-0-300-05944-1
|
||||
Engelbrecht, Beate (ed.). Memories of the Origins of Ethnographic Film. Frankfurt am Main et al.: Peter Lang Verlag, 2007.
|
||||
Grimshaw, Anna. The Ethnographer's Eye: Ways of Seeing in Modern Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
|
||||
Harris, Claire. 2012. The Museum on the Roof of the World: Art, Politics and the Representation of Tibet. University of Chicago Press.
|
||||
Harris, Claire and Michael O'Hanlon. 2013. 'The Future of the Ethnographic Museum,' Anthropology Today, 29(1). pp. 8–12.
|
||||
Heider, Karl G. Ethnographic Film (Revised Edition). Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006.
|
||||
Hockings, Paul (ed.). "Principles of Visual Anthropology." 3rd edn. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2003.
|
||||
Kalantzis, Konstantinos. Tradition in the Frame: Photography, Power and Imagination in Sfakia, Crete. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
|
||||
MacDougall, David. Transcultural Cinema. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.
|
||||
Martinez, Wilton. 1992. “Who Constructs Anthropological Knowledge? Toward a Theory of Ethnographic Film Spectatorship.” In Film as Ethnography, D. Turton and P. Crawford, (Eds.), pp. 130–161. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
|
||||
Mead, Margaret: Anthropology and the camera. In: Morgan, Willard D. (Hg.): Encyclopedia of photography. New York 1963.
|
||||
Morton, Chris and Elizabeth Edwards (eds.) 2009. Photography, Anthropology and History: Expanding the Frame. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing
|
||||
Peers, Laura. 2003. Museums and Source Communities: A Routledge Reader, Routledge
|
||||
Pink, Sarah: Doing Visual Ethnography: Images, Media and Representation in Research. London: Sage Publications Ltd. 2006. ISBN 978-1-4129-2348-4
|
||||
Pinney, Christopher: Photography and Anthropology. London: Reaktion Books 2011. ISBN 978-1-86189-804-3
|
||||
Prins, Harald E. L. "Visual Anthropology." pp. 506–525. In A Companion to the Anthropology of American Indians. Ed. T. Biolsi. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.
|
||||
Prins, Harald E. L., and Ruby, Jay eds. "The Origins of Visual Anthropology." Visual Anthropology Review. Vol. 17 (2), 2001–2002.
|
||||
Ruby, Jay. Picturing Culture: Essays on Film and Anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0-226-73099-8.
|
||||
Worth, Sol, Adair John. "Through Navajo Eyes". Indiana University Press; 1972.
|
||||
|
||||
== Further reading ==
|
||||
Bassnet, Sarah and Sarah Parsons. Photography in Canada, 1839-1989: An Illustrated History. 2023, Art Canada Institute: Toronto.
|
||||
Visual Anthropology - Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, article by Jay Ruby
|
||||
Visual anthropology in the digital mirror: Computer-assisted visual anthropology, article by Michael D. Fischer and David Zeitlyn, then both University of Kent at Canterbury
|
||||
Legends Asch and Myerhoff Inspire A New Generation of Visual Anthropologists - article by Susan Andrews [1] Archived 2011-02-26 at the Wayback Machine
|
||||
Pink, Sarah. "Doing Visual Ethnography:Images, Media, and Representation". Sage, London, 2012
|
||||
Banks, Marcus and Ruby, Jay. "Made to be Seen: Perspectives on the History of Visual Anthropology. University of Chicago Press, 2011
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
Organizations
|
||||
European Association of Social Anthropologists Visual Anthropology Network
|
||||
SVA Society for Visual Anthropology
|
||||
Center for Visual Anthropology of Peru / Centro de Antropología Visual del Perú - CAVP
|
||||
Publications
|
||||
Visual Anthropology Review
|
||||
Visual Anthropology (journal)
|
||||
Resources
|
||||
VisualAnthropology.net
|
||||
OVERLAP: Laboratory of Visual Anthropology
|
||||
Visual Anthropology Archive
|
||||
Visual Anthropology Films & Educational Resource Library
|
||||
Royal Anthropological Institute, Ethnographic Film
|
||||
National Anthropological Archives and Human Studies Film Archives - collect and preserve historical and contemporary anthropological materials that document the world's cultures and the history of anthropology.
|
||||
Audio-Visual Resources (from the website of Prof. Alessandro Duranti, anthropology department, UCLA)
|
||||
Films of anthropological and other "ancestors"
|
||||
A kiosk of films and sounds in Ethnomusicology - Robert Garfias
|
||||
Documentary Educational Resources (Visual Anthropology Films & Filmmakers)
|
||||
Documentary "El mal visto". Interpretation about the evil eye from the visual anthropology.
|
||||
Visual anthtropology (Chinese)
|
||||
Articles on Fieldwork Archived 2010-05-11 at the Wayback Machine
|
||||
The Ovahimba Years Collection
|
||||
Visual Anthropology of Japan
|
||||
Artpologist an Art project using Art and Anthropology
|
||||
Ethnographic Terminalia - A curatorial collective and exhibition series.
|
||||
22
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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||||
category: "reference"
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|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:58:58.067437+00:00"
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Visual ethnography is an approach to ethnography (the study of people and cultures) that uses visual methods such as photography, film and video. There are many methods available to conduct visual ethnography. According to Sarah Pink, visual ethnography is a research methodology that brings “theory and practice of visual approaches to learning and knowing about the world and communicating these to others”. As a methodology, visual ethnography can guide the design of research as well as the methods to choose for data collection. Visual ethnography suggests a negotiation of the participants’ view of reality and a constant questioning on the part of the researcher.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Historical development ==
|
||||
Beginning in the early 1900s, researchers have recognized the importance of visual methods which has largely emerged from anthropology. That is when photography as well as video became ways of recording targeted populations during field work which are called “salvage ethnography” or “salvage anthropology.” Flaherty's Nanook of the North (1922), Margaret Mead's and Gregory Bateson's video and photos of the Balinese, and Evans-Prichard's photographs of the Nuer are examples of this “salvage ethnography (Pink, 2006, cited in van den Scott, 2018). Boas as explained by Pink was an early user of photography who did not trust it and was thought that surface images could be an issue in which might shift the historical understanding of culture. Through the 1900s to 1950s, mainstream anthropology rejected visual methods. Ethnographic photography was still in use- less for analysis and more for context. Despite the move away from applied anthropology through the 1970s and 1980s, ethnographic filmmaking is still common. Still marginal, Visual methods slowly became a tradition and exploded when reflexive research made a dramatic turn. Visual methods shaped interdisciplinary interest during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Visual methods became recognized across social sciences as digital technology became available, maintaining their roots in ethnography and anthropology. Sarah Pink claims for an “anthropology of the relationship between the visual and other elements of culture, society, practice and experience and the methodological practice of combining visual and other media in the production and representation of anthropological knowledge”.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Qualitative research ==
|
||||
Visual ethnography as an aspect of the use of visual data has become increasingly important as a part of the qualitative research toolbox. Qualitative research is an off-shoot of the anthropological practice of ethnography that focuses on the collection and analysis of diverse narrative or textual forms of expression. In describing the importance of visual ethnography in qualitative research, Banks explained that as images are present in society their illustration should be included in the studies of society, and that study of images in the accumulation of data may reveal sociological understanding that may not be accessible. Images can be the central part of analysis of social-cultural views and perceptions created by researchers, or participants. According to Van Maanen in using visual ethnography as a qualitative research methodology, “the researcher studies an entire cultural or social group on its natural setting, closely examining customs and ways of life, with the aim of describing and interpreting cultural patterns of behaviour, values, and practices".
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
34
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vyavahāramālā-0.md
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|
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
|
||||
Vyavahāramālā is a treatise in Sanskrit on jurisprudence and legal practices composed by an unknown scholar from Kerala sometime during the 16th-17th centuries CE. This was the standard reference for legal practices in the kingly courts of the erstwhile kingdoms of Travancore and Cochin till the adoption of modern legal practices under the supervision and guidance of John Munro (1778 – 1858) who had served as Resident and Diwan of the States of Travancore and Cochin between 1810 and 1819. However, Munro's reforms did not make Vyavahāramālā completely obsolete. Munro used it to develop an Anglo-Indian code of law for the Travancore kingdom called Caṭṭavariyōla and established a hierarchy of courts and the rules for presenting cases in those courts.
|
||||
Vyavahāramālā is a digest of rules on legal procedure extracted from the well-known ancient Smṛti called Parāśarasmṛiti. Based on the
|
||||
selection and organization of the verses collected in the Vyavahāramālā one could see that is a it is a collection of verses on law and legal
|
||||
procedure based on the Vyavahāranirṇaya of Varadaraja. It is a work consisting of 1234 verses and the main part is divided into 19 chapters called prakaraṇa-s. Before starting the prakaraṇa-s, the author has dealt with some general requirements of legal procedures like qualities of the judge, the layout of the court, etc. The first eleven prakaraṇa-s deal with civil laws, the next five prakaraṇa-s deal with criminal laws, the seventeenth prakaraṇa discusses laws relating to partition of property, the eighteenth one deals with some further aspects of criminal laws and the final prakaraṇa is devoted miscellaneous topics not touched upon in the previous chapters.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Authorship ==
|
||||
Ulloor S. Paramesvara Aiyer in his multi-volume "Kerala Sahithya Charithram" ("History of Literature in Kerala") claimed that Mazhamaṅgalaṃ Nārāyaṇan Naṃpūtiri (c. 1540–1610) who hailed from Kerala, India was the author of Vyavahāramāla.
|
||||
But curiously, in a Malyalam translation of Vyavahāramāla authored by Ulloor S. Paramesvara Aiyer himself, there is no mention of the authorship of Vyavahāramāla. It appears that the authorship of Vyavahāramāla has not been determined definitively.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Contents ==
|
||||
The following list of topics discussed in Vyavahāramāla indicates the nature of the contents in the work.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Full texts ==
|
||||
The full text of Vyavahāramālā in Malayalam script with a translation in Malayalam by Ulloor S. Paramesvara Aiyar is available in Wikimedia at the link HERE.
|
||||
The full text of Vyavahāramālā in Devanagari script with an English translation is available as part of a Ph D thesis submitted to Kerala University in December 2002: Asoka kumar V (2002). Vyavaharamala: Translation and study (PDF). Kerala University. Retrieved 25 July 2024.
|
||||
Full text of Vyavahāramālā in Devanagari script is available in the Internet Archive at the link HERE.
|
||||
For a detailed account of the work, see the PhD thesis on Vyavahaaramālā submitted to Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit in 2008: Rajee P V (2008). Vyavaharamala: A text on Indian jurisprudence. Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskri. Retrieved 17 July 2024.
|
||||
A digitized scanned copy of a palm-leaf manuscript of a detailed commentary in Malayalam of Vyavahāramālā composed probably sometime before 1809 has been preserved in the Gundert Collection in the University of Tübingen. The same is available for view at the link HERE and for download at the link HERE (270 MB).
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
26
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_studies-0.md
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
category: "reference"
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
War studies, sometimes called polemology, is the multi-disciplinary study of war. It pertains to the military, diplomatic, philosophical, social, political, psychological or economic dimensions of human conflict.
|
||||
The word polemology derives from Ancient Greek: πόλεμος, romanized: pólemos, lit. 'war, battle' + -logy.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== History ==
|
||||
|
||||
In 1943, King's College London reestablished its military science department as the Department of War Studies. The department was discontinued in 1948, and the field of war studies was taught in the Department of Medieval and Modern History until the Department of War Studies was reinstated in 1962.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Disciplines ==
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
20
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_culture-0.md
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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||||
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Youth culture refers to the societal norms of children, adolescents, and young adults. Specifically, it comprises the processes and symbolic systems that are shared by the youth and are distinct from those of adults in the community.
|
||||
An emphasis on clothes, popular music, sports, vocabulary, and dating typically sets youth apart from other age groups. Within youth culture, there are many constantly changing youth subcultures, which may be divided based on race, ethnicity, economic status, public appearance, or a variety of other factors.
|
||||
|
||||
== Existence ==
|
||||
There is a debate surrounding the presence, existence, and origins of youth culture. Some researchers argue that youth culture is not a separate culture, as their values and morals are not distinct from those of their parents. Additionally, peer influence varies greatly among contexts, gender, age, and social status, making a single "youth culture" difficult to define. which differ from those of their parent's culture. Janssen et al. used the terror management theory (TMT) to argue for the existence of youth culture. They tested the following hypothesis: "If youth culture serves to help adolescents deal with problems of vulnerability and finiteness, then reminders of mortality should lead to increased allegiance to cultural practices and beliefs of the youth." The results supported the hypothesis and the outcome of previous studies, and suggest that youth culture is a culture.
|
||||
Schwartz and Merten used adolescent language to argue that youth culture is distinct from the rest of society. Schwartz argued that high school students used their vocabulary to create meanings that are distinct to adolescents. Specifically, the adolescent status terminology (the words that adolescents use to describe hierarchical social statuses) contains qualities and attributes that are not present in adult status judgments. According to Schwartz, this reflects a difference in social structures and the ways that adults and teens experience social reality. This difference indicates cultural differences between adolescents and adults, which supports the presence of separate youth culture.
|
||||
|
||||
== Movements ==
|
||||
Throughout the twentieth century, youth have had a strong influence on both lifestyle and culture. The flappers and the Mods are two examples of the impact of youth culture on society. The flappers were young women that were confident about a prosperous future after World War I. This liveliness showed in their new attitudes in life in which they openly drank, smoked, and, in some cases, socialized with gangster-type men. The fashionable dress at the time also reflected the flapper's new lifestyle.
|
||||
Mods emerged during a time of war and political and social troubles, and stemmed from a group called the modernists. They were young men and women who came from all classes who believed that their fashion choices "gave them entrée everywhere" and empowered them. The Mods' style and embrace of modern technology spread from the UK overseas to North America and other countries.
|
||||
18
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_culture-1.md
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
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||||
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||||
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||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
== Theories ==
|
||||
The presence of youth culture is a relatively recent historical phenomenon. There are several dominant theories about the emergence of youth culture in the 20th century, which include hypotheses about the historical, economic, and psychological influences on the presence of youth culture. One historical theory credits the emergence of youth culture to the beginning of compulsory schooling. James Coleman argues that age segregation is the root of separate youth culture. Before mandatory education, many children and adolescents interacted primarily with adults. In contrast, modern children associate extensively with others their age. These interactions allow adolescents to develop shared experiences and meanings, which are the root of youth culture.
|
||||
Another theory posits that some cultures facilitate the development of youth culture, while others do not. The basis of this distinction is the presence of universalistic or particularistic norms. Particularistic norms are guidelines for behavior that vary from one individual to another. In contrast, universalistic norms apply to all members of society. Universalistic norms are more likely to be found in industrialized societies. Modernization in the last century has encouraged universalistic norms since interaction in modern societies makes it necessary for everyone to learn the same set of norms. Modernization and universalistic norms have encouraged the growth of youth culture. The need for universalistic norms has made it impractical for young people's socialization to come primarily from immediate family members, which would lead to significant variation in the communicated norms. Therefore, many societies use age grouping, such as in schools, to educate their children on societies' norms and prepare them for adulthood; youth culture is a byproduct of this tactic. Because children spend so much time together and learn the same things as the rest of their age group, they develop their own culture.
|
||||
Psychological theorists have noted the role of youth culture in identity development. Youth culture may be a means of finding identity when one's path in life is not always clear. Erik Erikson theorized that the vital psychological conflict of adolescence is identity versus role confusion. The goal of this stage of life is to answer the question, "Who am I?"
|
||||
In many societies, adolescents are expected to behave like children and take on adult roles. Some psychologists have theorized that forming youth culture is a step to adopt an identity that reconciles these two conflicting expectations. For example, Talcott Parsons posited that adolescence is when young people transition from reliance on parents to autonomy. In this transitory state, dependence on the peer group serves as a stand-in for parents. Burlingame restated this hypothesis in 1970. He wrote that adolescents replace parents with the peer group and that this reliance on the peer group diminishes as youth enter adulthood and take on adult roles.
|
||||
Frank A. Fasick relates youth culture as a method of identity development to the simultaneous elongation of childhood and the need for independence in adolescence. According to Fasick, adolescents face contradictory pulls from society. Compulsory schooling keeps them socially and economically dependent on their parents, while young people need to achieve some sort of independence to participate in the market economy of modern society. As a means of coping with these contrasting aspects of adolescence, youth create freedom through behavior—specifically, through leisure-oriented activities done with peers.
|
||||
|
||||
== Impact on adolescents ==
|
||||
27
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||||
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||||
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|
||||
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||||
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||||
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||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:59:01.670257+00:00"
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||||
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|
||||
|
||||
For decades, adults have worried that youth subcultures were the root of moral degradation and changing values in younger generations. Researchers have characterized youth culture as embodying values that are "in conflict with those of the adult world". Common concerns about youth culture include a perceived lack of interest in education, involvement in risky behaviors like substance use and sexual activity, and engaging extensively in leisure activities. These perceptions have led many adults to believe that adolescents hold different values than older generations and to perceive youth culture as an attack on the morals of current society. These worries have prompted the creation of parenting websites such as The Youth Culture Report and the Center for Parent Youth Understanding, whose goal is to preserve the values of older generations in young people.
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There is no consensus among researchers about whether youth subcultures hold different beliefs than adults do. Some researchers have noted the simultaneous rise in age segregation and adolescent adjustment problems such as suicide, delinquency, and premarital pregnancy. However, most evidence suggests that these youth problems are not a reflection of different morals held by younger generations. Multiple studies have found that most adolescents hold views that are similar to their parents. One study challenged the theory that adolescent cohorts had distanced themselves from their parents by finding that between 1976 and 1982, their problems increased, and they became less peer-oriented. A second study's findings that adolescents' values were more similar to their parents in the 1980s than in the 1960s and '70s echoes Sebald's finding. Another study did find differences between adolescents' and parents' attitudes but found that the differences were in the degree of belief, not in the behavior itself.
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||||
There may also be pluralistic ignorance on the part of youth when comparing their attitudes to peers and parents. A study by Lerner et al. asked college students to compare their attitudes on several issues to their peers and parents. Most students rated their attitudes as falling somewhere between their parents' more conservative attitudes and their peers' more liberal attitudes. The authors suggested that the reason for this is that the students perceived their friends as more liberal than they were.
|
||||
Sports, language, music, clothing, and dating tend to be superficial ways of expressing autonomy—they can be adopted without compromising one's beliefs or values. Some areas in which adolescents assert autonomy can cause long-term consequences, such as substance use and sexual activity.
|
||||
The impact of youth culture on deviance and sexual behavior is debatable. More than 70 percent of American high school students report having drunk alcohol. Similarly, about two-thirds of teenagers have engaged in sexual intercourse by the time they leave high school. As drinking and having sex may be common in adolescence, many researchers include them as aspects of youth culture. While engaging in these activities can have harmful consequences, the majority of adolescents who engage in these risky behaviors do not suffer long-term consequences. The possibilities of addiction, pregnancy, incarceration, and other negative outcomes are some potentially negative effects of participation in youth culture. Research demonstrates that many factors may influence youth to engage in high-risk behaviors, including "a lack of stable role models, heightened family stresses, lowered levels of family investment, weakened emotional bonds between parents and their children, lowered levels of social capital and social control, and a lack of hope in ones [sic] future".
|
||||
Teen culture may also have benefits for adolescents. Peer influence can have a positive effect on adolescents' well-being; for example, most teens report that peer pressure stops them from using drugs or engaging in sexual activity.
|
||||
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||||
== Impact on society in general ==
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||||
Young people can make changes in society, such as through youth-led revolutions. Organizations of young people, which were often based on student identity, were crucial to the American civil rights movement, which included organizations like the Southern Student Organizing Committee, Students for a Democratic Society, and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. The Freedom Summer campaign relied heavily on college students; hundreds of students engaged in registering African Americans to vote, teaching in "Freedom Schools", and organizing the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.
|
||||
The American protests in the Vietnam War were also student-driven. Many college campuses opposed the war with sit-ins and demonstrations. Organizations such as the Young Americans for Freedom, the Student Libertarian Movement, and the Student Peace Union were based on youth status and contributed to anti-war activities. Some scholars have claimed that the activism during the Vietnam War was symbolic of a youth culture whose values were against mainstream American culture.
|
||||
In the early 2010s, the Arab Spring illustrated how young people played roles in demonstrations and protests. The movement was initiated primarily by young people, mostly college students dissatisfied with the opportunities afforded to them. The participation of young people prompted Time magazine to include several youth members of the movement in its 2011 list of 100 most influential people. Additionally, this movement utilized social media (which is considered an aspect of youth culture) to schedule, coordinate, and publicize events.
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== Youth slang ==
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||||
|
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== See also ==
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
48
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_intervention-0.md
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48
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_intervention-0.md
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@ -0,0 +1,48 @@
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||||
---
|
||||
title: "Youth intervention"
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||||
chunk: 1/1
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_intervention"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:59:02.909226+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Youth intervention is a practice within the field of youth services. This practice is designed to intervene when young people are at risk of or beginning to make poor decisions that can have lifelong negative impacts. Youth intervention is intended to support academic achievement and prevent juvenile delinquency.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Basis ==
|
||||
Youth intervention providers work with young people to help them become engaged and contributing members of the community. Typically, youth intervention programs work with young people between 6 and 18 years of age, but may also work with young people between 18 and 24 years of age.
|
||||
Poor decision-making or engaging in negative behaviors that can lead to interaction with the juvenile justice system can often be a symptom of an underlying problem. Causation factors can include unaddressed mental and emotional health struggles, unhealthy family environments and relationships, as well as stress and adverse childhood experiences (ACES) related to poverty.
|
||||
With the wide variety of challenges that can lead to poor decision-making, youth intervention encompasses a broad array of program approaches. Youth intervention can include:
|
||||
|
||||
Pre-court diversion
|
||||
Restorative justice
|
||||
mental and chemical health counseling
|
||||
Mentoring
|
||||
Out-of-school time programs
|
||||
Transitional housing for young people who are homeless
|
||||
Employability
|
||||
The theory of positive youth development underpins most youth intervention programs. Adults working in Youth Intervention programs are part of that needed web of support.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Outcomes ==
|
||||
With a focus on prevention, measuring the impact of youth intervention is challenging. It is difficult to document that behavior did not occur as a result of youth intervention programs. However, research has shown these programs are effective in reducing truancy and improving school performance. They also result in reduced court costs, a reduced need for social services by the youth and/or family and improved health outcomes. Youth intervention produces positive outcomes at a much lower price than incarceration in a juvenile correction facility. Studies show that 70% to 80% of youth who are incarcerated are likely to re-offend.
|
||||
Both the National Research Council and the Institute of Medicine agree that the benefits of youth intervention programs outweigh the costs of prevention and early intervention programs. The estimated cost per youth for Youth Intervention is $1,000 to $5,000 per year depending on the type of service. The study also estimated that quality Youth Intervention programs result in $4.80 of benefits per dollar spent on the program.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Structures for youth intervention ==
|
||||
In the United States, youth intervention activities are provided on the local, regional, state and federal levels by public agencies and private organizations. They are fiscally supported through government funding, philanthropic grants, and private grants.
|
||||
At the level of the U.S. federal government, "The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) sponsors research, programs and training initiatives in an effort to strengthen the juvenile justice system and serve at risk youth and their families.
|
||||
One instance of a government agency supporting youth intervention comes from the State of Oregon, which has a program called the Oregon Youth Development Division. The division "also supports the YDC Youth Prevention/Intervention Committee," which focuses on intervening in drug use, alcohol use, underage sex and other activities.
|
||||
Advocates for Youth is a private national nonprofit organization committed to youth intervention programming focused on pregnancy prevention and other issues. The once-popular Drug Abuse Resistance Education (D.A.R.E.) program and The Center to Prevent Youth Violence are two now-closed organizations that were also intervention-oriented, the former on drug abuse and the latter on youth violence. Similarly, the Massachusetts Tobacco Cessation and Prevention Program is oriented towards ending tobacco abuse.
|
||||
The membership of the Youth Intervention Programs Association (YIPA) reflects the diverse approaches used in Youth Intervention.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
Youth services
|
||||
Youth programs
|
||||
Community youth development
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
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