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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AOL_search_log_release-0.md
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title: "AOL search log release"
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AOL_search_log_release"
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In 2006, the Internet company AOL released a large excerpt from its web search query logs to the public. AOL did not identify users in the report, but personally identifiable information was present in many of the queries. This allowed some users to be identified by their search queries. Although AOL took down the file within a few days, it had already been widely copied and still remains available.
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== Overview ==
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On August 4, 2006, AOL Research, headed by Abdur Chowdhury, released a compressed text file on one of its websites containing twenty million search queries for over 650,000 users over a three-month period; it was intended for research. AOL deleted the file on their site by August 7, but not before it had been copied and distributed on the Internet.
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AOL did not identify users in the report; however, personally identifiable information was present in many of the queries. As the queries were attributed by AOL to particular user numerically identified accounts, an individual could be identified and matched to their account and search history. The New York Times was able to locate an individual from the released and anonymized search records by cross referencing them with phonebook listings. Consequently, the ethical implications of using this data for research are under debate.
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AOL acknowledged it was a mistake and removed the data; however, the removal was too late. The data was redistributed by others and can still be downloaded from mirror sites.
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In January 2007, Business 2.0 Magazine on CNNMoney ranked the release of the search data as #57 of its "101 Dumbest Moments in Business" for 2007.
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== Lawsuits ==
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In September 2006, a class action lawsuit was filed against AOL in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. The lawsuit accuses AOL of violating the Electronic Communications Privacy Act and of fraudulent and deceptive business practices, among other claims, and seeks at least $5,000 for every person whose search data was exposed. The case was settled in 2013.
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== Notable users ==
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Although the searchers were only identified by a numeric ID, some people's search results have become notable for various reasons.
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=== Thelma Arnold ===
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Through clues revealed in the search queries, The New York Times successfully uncovered the identities of several searchers. With her permission, they exposed user #4417749 as Thelma Arnold, a 62-year-old widow from Lilburn, Georgia. This privacy breach was widely reported, and led to the resignation of AOL's CTO, Maureen Govern, on August 21, 2006. The media quoted an insider as saying that two employees had been fired: the researcher who released the data, and his immediate supervisor, who reported to Govern.
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=== User 927 ===
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One product of the AOL scandal was the proliferation of blog entries examining the exposed data. Certain users' search logs were identified as interesting, humorous, disturbing, or dangerous.
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Consumer watchdog website The Consumerist posted a blog entry by editor Ben Popken identifying the anonymous user number 927 as having an especially bizarre and macabre search history, ranging from butterfly orchids and the band Fall Out Boy, to search terms relating to child pornography and zoophilia.
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The blog posting has since been viewed nearly 4,000 times and referenced on a number of other high-profile sites. In addition to sparking the interest of the Internet community, User 927 inspired a theatrical production, written by Katharine Clark Gray in Philadelphia. The play, also named User 927, has since been cited on several of the same blogs that originally discovered the real user's existence.
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=== User 711391 ===
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A series of movies on the website Minimovies called I Love Alaska puts voice and imagery to User 711391 which the authors have labeled as "an episodic documentary".
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== See also ==
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Netflix Prize
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== References ==
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== External links ==
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AOL Stalker (archived) – Search keywords and users. Tag users and search tags, also features funniest users list.
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AOL Search Database – Analysis and discussion of released AOL search data.
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-0.md
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The anti-nuclear movement is a social movement that opposes various nuclear technologies. Some direct action groups, environmental movements, and professional organisations have identified themselves with the movement at the local, national, or international level. Major anti-nuclear groups include Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace, International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, Peace Action, Seneca Women's Encampment for a Future of Peace and Justice and the Nuclear Information and Resource Service. The movement's initial objective was nuclear disarmament, though since the late 1960s, opposition has also included the use of nuclear power. Many anti-nuclear groups oppose both nuclear power and nuclear weapons. The formation of green parties in the 1970s and 1980s was often a direct result of anti-nuclear politics.
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Scientists and diplomats have debated nuclear weapons policy since before the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. The public became concerned about nuclear weapons testing from about 1954, following extensive nuclear testing, including the Castle Bravo disaster. In 1963, many countries ratified the Partial Test Ban Treaty, which prohibited atmospheric nuclear testing.
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Some local opposition to nuclear power emerged in the early 1960s. In the late 1960s some members of the scientific community began to express their concerns. In the early 1970s, there were large protests about the proposed Wyhl Nuclear Power Plant, in southern Germany. The project was cancelled in 1975, and anti-nuclear success at Wyhl inspired opposition to nuclear power in other parts of Europe and North America. Nuclear power became an issue of major public protest in the 1970s and while opposition to nuclear power continues, increasing public support for nuclear power has re-emerged over the last decade in light of growing awareness of global warming and renewed interest in all types of clean energy (see the Pro-nuclear movement).
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A protest against nuclear power occurred in July 1977 in Bilbao, Spain, with up to 200,000 people in attendance. Following the Three Mile Island accident in 1979, an anti-nuclear protest was held in New York City, involving 200,000 people. In 1981, Germany's largest anti-nuclear power demonstration took place to protest against the Brokdorf Nuclear Power Plant west of Hamburg; some 100,000 people came face to face with 10,000 police officers. The largest protest was held on 12 June 1982, when one million people demonstrated in New York City against nuclear weapons. A 1983 nuclear weapons protest in West Berlin had about 600,000 participants. In May 1986, following the Chernobyl disaster, an estimated 150,000 to 200,000 people marched in Rome to protest against the Italian nuclear program. In Australia, unions, peace activists, and environmentalists opposed uranium mining from the 1970s onwards, and rallies bringing together hundreds of thousands of people to oppose nuclear weapons peaked in the mid- 1980s. In the US, public opposition preceded the shutdown of the Shoreham, Yankee Rowe, Millstone 1, Rancho Seco, Maine Yankee, and many other nuclear power plants.
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For many years after the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, nuclear power was off the policy agenda in most countries, and the anti-nuclear power movement seemed to have won its case, so some anti-nuclear groups disbanded. In the 2000s, however, following public relations activities by the nuclear industry, advances in nuclear reactor designs, and concerns about climate change, nuclear power issues came back into energy policy discussions in some countries. The 2011 Fukushima nuclear accident subsequently undermined the nuclear power industry's proposed renaissance and revived opposition to nuclear power worldwide, putting governments on the defensive. As of 2016, countries such as Australia, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Malaysia, New Zealand, and Norway have no nuclear power stations and remain opposed to nuclear power. Germany, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland are phasing-out nuclear power. Sweden formerly had a nuclear phase-out policy, aiming to end nuclear power generation in Sweden by 2010. On 5 February 2009, the Government of Sweden announced an agreement allowing for the replacement of existing reactors, effectively ending the phase-out policy.
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Globally, the number of operable reactors has remained nearly the same over the last 30 years, and nuclear electricity production has been steadily growing since the Fukushima disaster.
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== History and issues ==
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=== Roots of the movement ===
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The application of nuclear technology, as a source of energy and as an instrument of war, has been controversial. These issues are discussed in nuclear weapons debate, nuclear power debate, and uranium mining debate.
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Scientists and diplomats have debated nuclear weapons policy since before the Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. The public became concerned about nuclear weapons testing from about 1954, following extensive nuclear testing in the Pacific, with some calling it nuclear imperialism and colonialism. In 1961, at the height of the Cold War, about 50,000 women brought together by Women Strike for Peace marched in 60 cities in the United States to demonstrate against nuclear weapons. In 1963, many countries ratified the Partial Test Ban Treaty which prohibited atmospheric nuclear testing.
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Some local opposition to nuclear power emerged in the early 1960s, and, in the late 1960s, some members of the scientific community began expressing their concerns. In the early 1970s, there were large protests about the proposed Wyhl Nuclear Power Plant in southern Germany. The project was cancelled in 1975, and anti-nuclear success at Wyhl inspired opposition to nuclear power in other parts of Europe and North America. Nuclear power became an issue of major public protest in the 1970s.
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-1.md
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==== Fossil fuels industry ====
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The fossil fuel industry starting from the 1950s was engaging in campaigns against the nuclear industry which it perceived as a threat to their commercial interests. Organizations such as the American Petroleum Institute, the Pennsylvania Independent Oil and Gas Association and Marcellus Shale Coalition were engaged in anti-nuclear lobbying in the late 2010s and from 2019, large fossil fuel suppliers started advertising campaigns portraying fossil gas as a "perfect partner for renewables" (wording from Shell and Statoil advertisements). Groups like the Sierra Club, Environmental Defense Fund and Natural Resources Defense Council are receiving grants from other fossil fuel companies. As of 2011, a strategy paper released by Greenpeace titled "Battle of Grids" proposed gradual replacement of nuclear power by fossil gas plants which would provide "flexible backup for wind and solar power". However, Greenpeace has since distanced itself from advocating for fossil gas, instead proposing grid energy storage as a solution to issues caused by intermittent renewable energy. In Germany, the Energiewende, which was advertised as a shift to renewable energy but included a gradual phaseout of nuclear power from 2000 to the end of 2022, caused, among other things, a rise in fossil gas power production from 49.2 TWh in 2000 to 94.7 TWh in 2020. In the same interval total electricity generation barely changed (576.6 TWh in 2000 vs 574.2 TWh in 2020) while it did rise and fall in the meantime, reaching a peak of 652.9 TWh in 2017. As much of that fossil gas was, and remains, imported from Russia, controversial pipeline projects like Nord Stream 1 were built to meet rising German gas demand. After the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine it came to light that significant amounts of Russian lobbying was involved in both the continued anti-nuclear movement in Germany and the anti-fracking movement.
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=== Anti-nuclear perspectives ===
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==== Concerns about nuclear weapons ====
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From an anti-nuclear point of view, there is a threat to modern civilization from global nuclear war by accidental or deliberate nuclear strike. Some climate scientists estimate that a war between two countries that resulted in 100 Hiroshima-size atomic explosions would cause significant loss of life, in the tens of millions, from climatic effects alone, as well as disable future generations. Soot thrown up into the atmosphere could blanket the earth, causing food chain disruption in what is termed a nuclear winter.
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Many anti-nuclear weapons groups cite the 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, in which it found that 'the threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict'.
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Ridding the world of nuclear weapons has been a cause for pacifists for decades. But more recently, mainstream politicians and retired military leaders have advocated nuclear disarmament. In January 2007 an article in The Wall Street Journal, authored by Henry Kissinger, Bill Perry, George Shultz and Sam Nunn. These men were veterans of the Cold War who believed in using nuclear weapons for deterrence. But they now reversed their previous position and asserted that instead of making the world safer, nuclear weapons had become a source of extreme concern.
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Since the 1970s, some countries have built their own second-strike capability of massive deterrence in the event of a military attack with weapons of mass destruction.
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Two examples of this second-strike capability are Israel's Samson Option strategy and Russia's Dead Hand system.
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During the era of nuclear weapons testing, many local communities were affected, and some are still affected by uranium mining and radioactive waste disposal.
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It should, however, be noted that countries can possess nuclear weapons without possessing nuclear power plants (as is almost certainly the case with Israel) or indeed the reverse, as is the case with most users of nuclear power, past and present.
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==== Concerns about nuclear power ====
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There are large variations in people's beliefs regarding nuclear power, including the technology itself, its deployment, climate change, and energy security. There is a wide spectrum of views and concerns over nuclear power and it remains a controversial area of public policy. When compared to other energy sources, nuclear power has one of the lowest death rates per unit of energy produced – 0.07 per TWh, as compared to over 32 per TWh in the case of brown coal. This figure is driven by a 2005 WHO projection of up to 4000 stochastic cancer deaths that could result from the Chernobyl disaster. The UNSCEAR reports in its 2008 summary on Chernobyl that no increases in cancer incidence (other than thyroid cancer) have been observed to date that can be attributed to radiation from the accident.
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Many studies have shown that the public "perceives nuclear power as a very risky technology" and, around the world, nuclear energy declined in popularity in the aftermath of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, but it has recently rebounded in response to the climate crisis. Anti-nuclear critics see nuclear power as a dangerous, expensive way to boil water to generate electricity. Opponents of nuclear power have raised many related concerns:
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2012
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In January 2012, 22 South Korean women's groups appealed for a nuclear-free future, saying they believe nuclear weapons and power reactors "threaten our lives, the lives of our families and all living creatures". The women said they feel an enormous sense of crisis after the Fukushima nuclear disaster in March 2011, which demonstrated the destructive power of radiation in the disruption of human lives, environmental pollution, and food contamination.
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Thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Yokohama, Japan, on 14–15 January 2012, to show their support for a nuclear power-free world. The demonstration showed that organized opposition to nuclear power has gained momentum following the Fukushima nuclear disaster. The most immediate demand of the demonstrators was for the protection of rights, including basic human rights such as health care, for those affected by the Fukushima accident.
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In January 2012, three hundred anti-nuclear protestors marched against plans to build a new nuclear power station at Wylfa in the UK. The march was organised by Pobl Atal Wylfa B, Greenpeace, and Cymdeithas yr Iaith, which are supporting a farmer who is in dispute with Horizon.
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On the anniversary of the 11 March earthquake and tsunami, protesters across Japan called for the abolition of nuclear power and nuclear reactors. In Koriyama, Fukushima, 16,000 people called for the end of nuclear power. In Shizuoka Prefecture, 1,100 people appealed for the scrapping of the Hamaoka Nuclear Power Plant. In Tsuruga, Fukui, 1,200 people marched in the streets of the city of Tsuruga, the home of the Monju fast-breeder reactor prototype and other nuclear reactors. In Nagasaki and Hiroshima, anti-nuclear protesters and atomic-bomb survivors marched together and demanded that Japan end its nuclear dependency.
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Austrian Chancellor Werner Faymann expects anti-nuclear petition drives to start in at least six European Union countries in 2012 in an effort to have the EU abandon nuclear power. Under the EU's Lisbon Treaty, petitions that attract at least one million signatures can prompt the European Commission to propose legislation, paving the way for anti-nuclear activists to garner support.
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In March 2012, about 2,000 people staged an anti-nuclear protest in Taiwan's capital following the massive tsunami that hit Japan one year ago. The protesters rallied in Taipei to renew calls for a nuclear-free island. They "want the government to scrap a plan to operate a newly constructed nuclear power plant – the fourth in densely populated Taiwan". Scores of aboriginal protesters "demanded the removal of 100,000 barrels of nuclear waste stored on their Orchid Island".
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In March 2012, hundreds of anti-nuclear demonstrators converged on the Australian headquarters of global mining giants BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto. The 500-strong march through southern Melbourne called for an end to uranium mining in Australia. It included speeches and performances by representatives of the expatriate Japanese community as well as Australia's Indigenous communities, who are concerned about the effects of uranium mining near tribal lands. There were also events in Sydney.
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In March 2012, South Korean environmental groups held a rally in Seoul to oppose nuclear power. Over 5,000 people attended, and the turnout was one of the largest in recent memory for an anti-nuclear rally. The demonstration demanded that President Lee Myung-bak abandon his policy of promoting nuclear power.
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In March 2012, police said they had arrested nearly 200 anti-nuclear activists who were protesting the restart of work at the long-stalled Indian Kudankulam nuclear power plant.
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In June 2012, tens of thousands of Japanese protesters participated in anti-nuclear power rallies in Tokyo and Osaka, over the government's decision to restart the first idled reactors since the Fukushima disaster, at Oi Nuclear Power Plant in Fukui Prefecture.
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2013
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Thousands of protesters marched in Tokyo on 11 March 2013, calling on the government to reject nuclear power.
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In March 2013, 68,000 Taiwanese protested across major cities against nuclear power and the island's fourth nuclear plant, which is under construction. Taiwan's three existing nuclear plants are near the ocean and prone to geological fractures under the island.
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In April 2013, thousands of Scottish campaigners, MSPs, and union leaders rallied against nuclear weapons. The Scrap Trident Coalition wants to see an end to nuclear weapons and says saved money should be used for health, education, and welfare initiatives. There was also a blockade of the Faslane Naval Base, where Trident missiles are stored.
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2014
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In March 2014, around 130,000 Taiwanese marched in an anti-nuclear protest around Taiwan. They demanded that the government remove nuclear power plants in Taiwan. The march came ahead of the 3rd anniversary of the Fukushima disaster. Around 50,000 people marched in Taipei, while three separate events were held in other Taiwanese cities, each attended by around 30,000 people. Among the participants are the organizations from Green Citizen Action's Alliance, Homemakers United Foundation, Taiwan Association for Human Rights and Taiwan Environmental Protection Union. Facing ongoing opposition and a host of delays, construction of the Lungmen Nuclear Power Plant was halted in April 2014.
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=== Casualties ===
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Casualties during anti-nuclear protests include:
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data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-11.md
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On 9 December 1982, Norman Mayer, an American anti–nuclear weapons activist, was shot and killed by the United States Park Police after threatening to blow up the Washington Monument, Washington, D.C., unless a national dialogue on the threat of nuclear weapons was seriously undertaken.
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On 10 July 1985, the flagship of Greenpeace, Rainbow Warrior, was sunk by France in New Zealand waters, and a Greenpeace photographer was killed. The ship was involved in protests against nuclear weapons testing at Mururoa Atoll. The French Government initially denied any involvement with the sinking but eventually admitted its guilt in October 1985. Two French agents pleaded guilty to charges of manslaughter, and the French Government paid $7 million in damages.
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In 1990, two pylons holding high-voltage power lines connecting the French and Italian grid were blown up by Italian eco-terrorists, and the attack is believed to have been directly in opposition to the Superphénix.
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In 2004, activist Sébastien Briat, who had tied himself to train tracks in front of a shipment of reprocessed nuclear waste, was run over by the wheels of the train. The event occurred in Avricourt, France, and the fuel (12 containers in total) was from a German plant, en route for reprocessing.
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== Impact ==
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=== Impact on popular culture ===
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Beginning in the 1950s, anti-nuclear ideas received coverage in the popular media with novels such as Fail-Safe and feature films such as Godzilla (1954), Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb (1964), The China Syndrome (1979), Silkwood (1983), and The Rainbow Warrior (1992).
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Dr. Strangelove explored "what might happen within the Pentagon ... if some maniac Air Force general should suddenly order a nuclear attack on the Soviet Union". One reviewer called the movie "one of the cleverest and most incisive satiric thrusts at the awkwardness and folly of the military that has ever been on the screen".
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The China Syndrome has been described as a "gripping 1979 drama about the dangers of nuclear power", and it had added impact when the Three Mile Island accident occurred several weeks after the film opened. Jane Fonda plays a TV reporter who witnesses a near-meltdown (the "China syndrome" of the title) at a local nuclear plant, which was averted by a quick-thinking engineer, played by Jack Lemmon. The plot suggests that corporate greed and cost-cutting "have led to potentially deadly faults in the plant's construction".
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Silkwood was inspired by the true-life story of Karen Silkwood, who died in a suspicious car accident while investigating alleged wrongdoing at the Kerr-McGee plutonium plant where she worked.
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Dark Circle is a 1982 American documentary film that focuses on the connections between the nuclear weapons and the nuclear power industries, with a strong emphasis on the individual human and protracted U.S. environmental costs involved. A clear point made by the film is that while only two bombs were dropped on Japan, many hundreds were exploded in the United States. The film won the Grand Prize for documentary at the Sundance Film Festival and received a national Emmy Award for "Outstanding individual achievement in news and documentary." For the opening scenes and about half of its length, the film focuses on the Rocky Flats Plant and its plutonium contamination of the area's environment.
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Ashes to Honey (ミツバチの羽音と地球の回転, Mitsubashi no haoto to chikyū no kaiten), (literally "Humming of Bees and Rotation of the Earth") is a Japanese documentary directed by Hitomi Kamanaka and released in 2010. It is the third in Kamanaka's trilogy of films on the problems of nuclear power and radiation, preceded by Hibakusha at the End of the World (also known as Radiation: A Slow Death) and Rokkasho Rhapsody.
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Nuclear Tipping Point is a 2010 documentary film produced by the Nuclear Threat Initiative. It features interviews with four American government officials who were in office during the Cold War but now advocate for the elimination of nuclear weapons. They are: Henry Kissinger, George Shultz, Sam Nunn, and William Perry.
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Musicians United for Safe Energy (MUSE) was a musical group founded in 1979 by Jackson Browne, Graham Nash, Bonnie Raitt, and John Hall, following the Three Mile Island nuclear accident. The group organized a series of five No Nukes concerts held at Madison Square Garden in New York City in September 1979. On 23 September 1979, almost 200,000 people attended a large anti-nuclear rally staged by MUSE on the then-empty north end of the Battery Park City landfill in New York. The album No Nukes, and a film, also titled No Nukes, were both released in 1980 to document the performances.
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In 2007, Bonnie Raitt, Graham Nash, and Jackson Browne, as part of the No Nukes group, recorded a music video of the Buffalo Springfield song "For What It's Worth".
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Filmmakers Taylor Dunne and Eric Stewart are working on a documentary called "Off Country" that looks at the devastating effects of atomic bomb testing on the communities around the White Sands missile range in New Mexico, the Nevada Test Site, and the Rocky Flats Plant in Colorado. They were interviewed by Screen Comment's Sam Weisberg in 2017.
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=== Impact on policy ===
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The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists is a nontechnical online magazine that has been published continuously since 1945, when it was founded by former Manhattan Project physicists after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The Bulletin's primary aim is to inform the public about nuclear policy debates while advocating for the international control of nuclear weapons. One of the driving forces behind the creation of the Bulletin was the public interest in atomic energy at the dawn of the atomic age. In 1945 the public interest in atomic warfare and weaponry inspired contributors to the Bulletin to attempt to inform those interested about the dangers and destruction that atomic war could bring about. In the 1950s, the Bulletin was involved in the formation of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs, annual conferences of scientists concerned about nuclear proliferation.
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Historian Lawrence S. Wittner has argued that anti-nuclear sentiment and activism led directly to government policy shifts about nuclear weapons. Public opinion influenced policymakers by limiting their options and forcing them to choose certain policies over others. Wittner credits public pressure and anti-nuclear activism with "Truman's decision to explore the Baruch Plan, Eisenhower's efforts towards a nuclear test ban and the 1958 testing moratorium, and Kennedy's signing of the Partial Test Ban Treaty".
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In terms of nuclear power, Forbes magazine, in the September 1975 issue, reported that "the anti-nuclear coalition has been remarkably successful ... [and] has certainly slowed the expansion of nuclear power." California has banned the approval of new nuclear reactors since the late 1970s because of concerns over waste disposal, and some other U.S. states have a moratorium on construction of nuclear power plants. Between 1975 and 1980, a total of 63 nuclear units were canceled in the United States. Anti-nuclear activities were among the reasons, but the primary motivations were the overestimation of future electricity demand and steadily rising capital costs, which made the economics of new plants unfavorable.
|
||||
The proliferation of nuclear weapons became a presidential priority issue for the Carter Administration in the late 1970s. To deal with proliferation problems, President Carter promoted stronger international control over nuclear technology, including nuclear reactor technology. Although a strong supporter of nuclear power generally, Carter turned against the breeder reactor because the plutonium it produced could be diverted into nuclear weapons.
|
||||
For many years after the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, nuclear power was off the policy agenda in most countries. In recent years, intense public relations activities by the nuclear industry, increasing evidence of climate change and failures to address it, have brought nuclear power issues back to the forefront of policy discussion in the nuclear renaissance countries. But some countries are not prepared to expand nuclear power and are still divesting themselves of their nuclear legacy, through nuclear power phase-out legislation.
|
||||
Under the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act 1987, all territorial sea and land of New Zealand is declared a nuclear free zone. Nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed ships are prohibited from entering the country's territorial waters. Dumping of foreign radioactive waste and development of nuclear weapons in the country are outlawed. This followed a decades-long campaign by peace activists, which included disrupting US warship visits. Despite common misconception, this act does not make nuclear power plants illegal, nor does it make radioactive medical treatments produced in overseas reactors illegal. A 2008 survey shows that 19% of New Zealanders favour nuclear power as the best energy source, while 77% prefer wind power as the best energy source.
|
||||
On 26 February 1990, FW de Klerk issued orders to terminate the country's nuclear weapons programme, which until then had been a state secret. South Africa becomes the first country in the world to voluntary give-up its nuclear weapons programme.
|
||||
|
||||
Ireland, in 1999, had no plans to change its non-nuclear stance and pursue nuclear power in the future.
|
||||
In the United States, the Navajo Nation forbids uranium mining and processing in its land.
|
||||
In the United States, a 2007 University of Maryland survey showed that 73 per cent of the public surveyed favours the elimination of all nuclear weapons, 64 per cent support removing all nuclear weapons from high alert, and 59 per cent support reducing U.S. and Russian nuclear stockpiles to 400 weapons each. Given the unpopularity of nuclear weapons, U.S. politicians have been wary of supporting new nuclear programs. Republican-dominated congresses "have defeated the Bush administration's plan to build so-called 'bunker-busters' and 'mini-nukes'."
|
||||
The Megatons to Megawatts Program converts weapons-grade material from nuclear warheads into fuel for nuclear power plants.
|
||||
Thirty-one countries operate nuclear power plants. Nine nations possess nuclear weapons:
|
||||
|
||||
Today, some 26,000 nuclear weapons remain in the arsenals of the nine nuclear powers, with thousands on hair-trigger alert. Although U.S., Russian, and British nuclear arsenals are shrinking in size, those in the four Asian nuclear nations—China, India, Pakistan, and North Korea—are growing, in large part because of tensions among them. This Asian arms race also has possibilities of bringing Japan into the nuclear club.
|
||||
22
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|
||||
|
||||
During Barack Obama's successful U.S. presidential election campaign, he advocated the abolition of nuclear weapons. Since his election, he has reiterated this goal in several major policy addresses. In 2010, the Obama administration negotiated a new weapons accord with Russia for a reduction of the maximum number of deployed nuclear weapons on each side from 2,200 to between 1,500 and 1,675—a reduction of some 30 per cent. In addition, President Obama has committed $15 billion over the next five years to improving the safety of the nuclear weapons stockpile.
|
||||
Following the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, the Italian government put a one-year moratorium on plans to revive nuclear power. On 11–12 June 2011, Italian voters passed a referendum to cancel plans for new reactors. Over 94% of the electorate voted in favor of the construction ban, with 55% of the eligible voters participating, making the vote binding.
|
||||
German Chancellor Angela Merkel's coalition announced on 30 May 2011, that Germany's 17 nuclear power stations will be shut down by 2022, in a policy reversal following Japan's Fukushima I nuclear accidents and anti-nuclear protests within Germany. Seven of the German power stations were temporarily closed in March and will remain offline and be permanently decommissioned. An eighth was already offline, and will stay so.
|
||||
As of 2011, countries such as Australia, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Malta, Portugal, Israel, Malaysia, New Zealand, and Norway remain opposed to nuclear power. Germany, Switzerland and Belgium are phasing-out nuclear power.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Public opinion surveys on nuclear issues ===
|
||||
|
||||
In 2005, the International Atomic Energy Agency presented the results of a series of public opinion surveys in the Global Public Opinion on Nuclear Issues report. Majorities of respondents in 14 of the 18 countries surveyed believed that the risk of terrorist acts involving radioactive materials at nuclear facilities is high, because of insufficient protection. While a majority of citizens supported the continued use of existing nuclear power reactors, most did not favor building new nuclear plants, and 25% of respondents felt that all nuclear power plants should be closed down. Stressing the climate change benefits of nuclear energy increases support for expanding the role of nuclear power in the world by 10%; however, there is still a general reluctance to support building more nuclear power plants.
|
||||
There was little support worldwide for building new nuclear reactors, a 2011 BBC poll indicated. The global research agency GlobeScan, commissioned by BBC News, polled 23,231 people in 23 countries from July to September 2011, several months after the Fukushima nuclear disaster. In countries with existing nuclear programmes, people are significantly more opposed to them than they were in 2005, with only the UK and the US bucking the trend. Most believed that boosting energy efficiency and renewable energy can meet their needs.
|
||||
The Eurobarometer 2008 poll indicated that 44% supported and 45% opposed nuclear energy in the European Union. The majority (over 62%) also appreciated nuclear power as a means to prevent climate change. Both Eurobarometer and subsequent OECD poll (2010) indicated a "clear correlation between knowledge and support", so respondents who were more aware of the greenhouse gas emissions from energy sector were more likely to support low-emission nuclear power. A 2012 meta-analysis also confirmed positive correlation between support for nuclear power and understanding of nuclear power operations, with a significant effect where people living closer to nuclear power plant showed higher levels of support in general. In the United States, support and opposition to nuclear power plants is split almost equally.
|
||||
|
||||
== Criticism ==
|
||||
31
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-14.md
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|
||||
|
||||
Attempts to reach political agreement on effective climate change policies continue, and pro-nuclear environmentalists seek to reverse the traditionally anti-nuclear attitudes among environmentalists. Filmmaker Rob Stone's Pandora's Promise (2013) is a good example of this trend.
|
||||
Some environmentalists criticise the anti-nuclear movement for understating the environmental costs of fossil fuels and non-nuclear alternatives, and overstating the environmental costs of nuclear energy.
|
||||
Anti-nuclear activists are accused of encouraging radiophobic emotions among the public. In The War Against the Atom (Basic Books, 1982), Samuel MacCracken of Boston University argued that in 1982, 50,000 deaths per year could be attributed directly to non-nuclear power plants, if fuel production and transportation, as well as pollution, were taken into account. He argued that if non-nuclear plants were judged by the same standards as nuclear ones, each US non-nuclear power plant could be held responsible for about 100 deaths per year.
|
||||
The Nuclear Energy Institute (NEI) is the main lobby group for companies doing nuclear work in the United States, while most countries that employ nuclear energy have a national industry group. The World Nuclear Association is the only global trade body. In seeking to counter the arguments of nuclear opponents, it cites independent studies that quantify the costs and benefits of nuclear energy and compares them with those of alternatives. NEI sponsors studies of its own, but it also references studies performed for the World Health Organization, for the International Energy Agency, and by university researchers.
|
||||
Critics of the anti-nuclear movement point to independent studies showing that the capital resources required for renewable energy sources are often prohibitively higher than those for nuclear power.
|
||||
Some people, including former opponents of nuclear energy, criticize the movement, arguing that nuclear power is necessary to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. These individuals include James Lovelock, originator of the Gaia hypothesis, Patrick Moore, an early member of Greenpeace and former director of Greenpeace International, George Monbiot and Stewart Brand, creator of the Whole Earth Catalog. Lovelock goes further to refute claims about the danger of nuclear energy and its waste products. In a January 2008 interview, Moore said that "It wasn't until after I'd left Greenpeace and the climate change issue started coming to the forefront that I started rethinking energy policy in general and realised that I had been incorrect in my analysis of nuclear as being some kind of evil plot." Stewart Brand has apologized for his past anti-nuclear stance in the 2010 book Whole Earth Discipline, saying that "Greens caused gigatons of carbon dioxide to enter the atmosphere from the coal and gas burning that went ahead instead of nuclear".
|
||||
Some anti-nuclear organisations have acknowledged that their positions are subject to review.
|
||||
In April 2007, Dan Becker, Director of Global Warming for the Sierra Club, declared, "Switching from dirty coal plants to dangerous nuclear power is like giving up smoking cigarettes and taking up crack." James Lovelock criticizes holders of such a view: "Opposition to nuclear energy is based on irrational fear fed by Hollywood-style fiction, the Green lobbies and the media." ". . . I am a Green and I entreat my friends in the movement to drop their wrongheaded objection to nuclear energy."
|
||||
George Monbiot, an English writer known for his environmental and political activism, once expressed deep antipathy to the nuclear industry. He finally rejected his later neutral position regarding nuclear power in March 2011. Monbiot now advocates its use, having been convinced of its relative safety by what he considers the limited effects of the 2011 Japan tsunami on nuclear reactors in the region. Subsequently, he has harshly condemned the anti-nuclear movement, writing that it "has misled the world about the impacts of radiation on human health ... made [claims] ungrounded in science, unsupportable when challenged and wildly wrong." He singled out Helen Caldicott for, he wrote, making unsourced and inaccurate claims, dismissing contrary evidence as part of a cover-up, and overstating the death toll from the Chernobyl disaster by a factor of more than 140.
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
|
||||
== Notes and references ==
|
||||
1
|
||||
|
||||
== Bibliography ==
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
|
||||
The M and S Collection at the Library of Congress contains anti-nuclear movement materials.
|
||||
Jennifer Fay Gow photographs of Brisbane anti-nuclear and civil liberties demonstrations October 1977, State Library of Queensland
|
||||
26
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-2.md
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Nuclear accidents: a safety concern that the core of a nuclear power plant could overheat and melt down, releasing radioactivity.
|
||||
Nuclear Fuel Mining: mining waste of nuclear fuels like uranium and thorium, results in its radioactive decay. That causes radium pollution and radon pollution in environment and ultimately affects public health.
|
||||
Radioactive waste disposal: a concern that nuclear power results in large amounts of radioactive waste, some of which remains dangerous for very long periods.
|
||||
Nuclear proliferation: a concern that some types of nuclear reactor designs use and/or produce fissile material which could be used in nuclear weapons.
|
||||
High cost: a concern that nuclear power plants are very expensive to build, and that clean up from nuclear accidents is highly expensive and can take decades.
|
||||
Attacks on nuclear plants: a concern that terrorists or criminals could target nuclear facilities.
|
||||
Curtailed civil liberties: a concern that the risk of nuclear accidents, proliferation, and terrorism may be used to justify restraints on citizen rights.
|
||||
Of these concerns, nuclear accidents and disposal of long-lived radioactive waste have probably had the greatest public impact worldwide. Anti-nuclear campaigners point to the 2011 Fukushima nuclear emergency as proof that nuclear power can never be 100% safe. Costs resulting from the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster are likely to exceed 12 trillion yen ($100 billion) and the clean up effort to decontaminate affected areas and decommission the plant is estimated to take 30 to 40 years. Excluding accidents, the standard amount of high-level radioactive waste is claimed to be manageable (the UK has produced just 2150 m3 during its 60-year nuclear program), with the Geological Society of London alleging that it can be effectively recycled and stored safely.
|
||||
|
||||
In his book Global Fission: The Battle Over Nuclear Power, Jim Falk explores connections between technological concerns and political concerns. Falk suggests that concerns of citizen groups or individuals who oppose nuclear power have often focused initially on the "range of physical hazards which accompany the technology" and lead to a "concern over the political relations of the nuclear industry". Baruch Fischhoff, a social scientist, said that many people really do not trust the nuclear industry. Wade Allison, a physicist, said "radiation is safe & all nations should embrace nuclear technology"
|
||||
M.V. Ramana says that "distrust of the social institutions that manage nuclear energy is widespread", and a 2001 survey by the European Commission found that "only 10.1 percent of Europeans trusted the nuclear industry". This public distrust is periodically reinforced by nuclear safety violations or through ineffectiveness or corruption of the nuclear regulatory authorities. Once lost, says Ramana, trust is extremely difficult to regain.
|
||||
Faced with public antipathy, the nuclear industry has "tried a variety of strategies to persuade the public to accept nuclear power," including publishing numerous "fact sheets" that address public concerns. M.V. Ramana says that none of these strategies has been very successful. Nuclear proponents have tried to regain public support by offering newer, purportedly safer, reactor designs. These designs include those that incorporate passive safety and small modular reactors. While these reactor designs "are intended to inspire trust, they may have an unintended effect: creating distrust of older reactors that lack the touted safety features".
|
||||
Since 2000 the nuclear power was promoted as potential solution to the greenhouse effect and climate change as nuclear power emits no or negligible amounts of carbon dioxide during operations. Anti-nuclear groups highlighted that other stages of the nuclear fuel chain – mining, milling, transport, fuel fabrication, enrichment, reactor construction, decommissioning, and waste management – rely on fossil fuels and thus emit carbon dioxide. As this is the case with any energy sources, including renewable energy, IPCC analyzed total life-cycle greenhouse-gas emissions, which account for all emissions during manufacturing, installation, operations and decommissioning. With 12 gCO2eq/kWh, nuclear power remains one of the lowest-emitting energy sources available.
|
||||
|
||||
In 2011, a French court fined Électricité de France (EDF) €1.5m and jailed two senior employees for spying on Greenpeace, including hacking into Greenpeace's computer systems. Greenpeace was awarded €500,000 in damages.
|
||||
Some energy-related studies conclude that energy efficiency programs and renewable power technologies are better energy options than nuclear power plants.
|
||||
23
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-3.md
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|
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|
||||
|
||||
==== Other technologies ====
|
||||
The international nuclear fusion project, the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER), is constructing the world's largest and most advanced experimental tokamak nuclear fusion reactor in southern France. A collaboration among the European Union (EU), India, Japan, China, Russia, South Korea, and the United States, the project aims to transition from experimental studies of plasma physics to electricity-producing fusion power plants. In 2005, Greenpeace International issued a press statement criticizing government funding of the ITER, believing the money should have been diverted to renewable energy sources and claiming that fusion energy would result in nuclear waste and nuclear weapons proliferation issues. A French association including about 700 anti-nuclear groups, Sortir du nucléaire (Get Out of Nuclear Energy), claimed that ITER was a hazard because scientists did not yet know how to manipulate the high-energy deuterium and tritium hydrogen isotopes used in the fusion process. According to most anti-nuclear groups, nuclear fusion power "remains a distant dream". The World Nuclear Association have said that fusion "presents so far insurmountable scientific and engineering challenges". Construction of the ITER facility began in 2007, but the project has run into many delays and budget overruns. Several milestones of the project have already been completed, but the First Plasma completion date has been discussed and postponed multiple times, with various conclusions. In late 2016, the ITER council agreed on an updated project schedule, with a planned First Plasma opening by 2025, nine years after the originally anticipated opening.
|
||||
Some anti-nuclear groups advocate reduced reliance on reactor-produced medical radioisotopes, through the use of alternative radioisotope production and alternative clinical technologies. Cyclotrons are being increasingly used to produce medical radioisotopes to the point where nuclear reactors are no longer needed to make the most common medical isotopes. However, the development of newer, more reliable and efficient particle accelerators also fuels the proposals for subcritical reactors with a Spallation Neutron Source being used for nuclear transmutation of "legacy" waste and/or power generation. Such reactors could also be used to produce medical isotopes. Some isotopes, like Cobalt-60 are currently mostly produced in reactors like the Canadian CANDU.Plutonium-238, the preferred material for radioisotope thermal generators for use in spacecraft, faced a significant shortage after a single reactor producing it shut down, before the U.S. established a capacity to produce it from Neptunium-237 at one of their laboratories.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Nuclear-free alternatives ===
|
||||
|
||||
Anti-nuclear groups say that reliance on nuclear energy can be reduced by adopting energy conservation and energy efficiency measures. Energy efficiency can reduce energy consumption while providing the same level of energy "services".
|
||||
Renewable energy flows involve natural phenomena such as sunlight, wind, tides, plant growth, and geothermal heat, as the International Energy Agency explains:
|
||||
|
||||
Renewable energy is derived from natural processes that are replenished constantly. In its various forms, it derives directly from the sun, or from heat generated deep within the earth. Included in the definition is electricity and heat generated from solar, wind, ocean, hydropower, biomass, geothermal resources, and biofuels and hydrogen derived from renewable resources.
|
||||
Anti-nuclear groups also favour the use of renewable energy, such as hydro, wind power, solar power, geothermal energy and biofuel. According to the International Energy Agency renewable energy technologies are essential contributors to the energy supply portfolio, as they contribute to world energy security and provide opportunities for mitigating greenhouse gases. Fossil fuels are being replaced by clean, climate-stabilizing, non-depletable sources of energy. According to Lester R. Brown:
|
||||
|
||||
…the transition from coal, oil, and gas to wind, solar, and geothermal energy is well under way. In the old economy, energy was produced by burning something – oil, coal, or natural gas – leading to the carbon emissions that have come to define our economy. The new energy economy harnesses the energy in wind, the energy coming from the sun, and heat from within the earth itself.
|
||||
28
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-4.md
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|
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|
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date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:20.182369+00:00"
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
In 2014 global wind power capacity expanded 16% to 369,553 MW. Yearly wind energy production is also growing rapidly and has reached around 4% of worldwide electricity usage, 11.4% in the EU, and it is widely used in Asia, and the United States. In 2014, worldwide installed photovoltaics capacity increased to 177 gigawatts (GW), sufficient to supply 1 per cent of global electricity demands. As of 2020 wind power expansion slowed down due to protests of residents and environmentalists.
|
||||
Solar thermal energy stations operate in the United States and Spain, and as of 2016, the largest of these is the 392 MW Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System in California. The world's largest geothermal power installation is The Geysers in California, with a rated capacity of 750 MW. Brazil has one of the largest renewable energy programs in the world, involving production of ethanol fuel from sugar cane, and ethanol now provides 18% of the country's automotive fuel. Ethanol fuel is also widely available in the United States. As of 2020, the expansion of biomass as a fuel, which was previously praised by environmental organizations such as Greenpeace, has been criticized for environmental damage.
|
||||
Greenpeace advocates reducing fossil fuel use by 50% by 2050 and phasing out nuclear power, contending that innovative technologies can increase energy efficiency and suggesting that, by 2050, most electricity will come from renewable sources. The International Energy Agency estimates that nearly 50% of global electricity supplies will need to come from renewable energy sources to halve carbon dioxide emissions by 2050 and minimise climate change impacts.
|
||||
Mark Z. Jacobson says producing all new energy with wind power, solar power, and hydropower by 2030 is feasible, and existing energy supply arrangements could be replaced by 2050. Barriers to implementing the renewable energy plan are seen to be "primarily social and political, not technological or economic". Jacobson says that energy costs with a wind, solar, and water system should be similar to today's energy costs. Many have since referred to Jacobson's work to justify advocating for all 100% renewables, however, in February 2017, a group of twenty-one scientists published a critique of Jacobson's work and found that his analysis involves "errors, inappropriate methods and implausible assumptions" and failed to provide "credible evidence for rejecting the conclusions of previous analyses that point to the benefits of considering a broad portfolio of energy system options."
|
||||
Critics state that the anti-nuclear arguments overestimate the benefits of renewable energy and fail to consider land per unit of energy inefficiencies and data that claims to forecast, "...biomass, wind, and solar power are set to occupy an area equivalent to the size of the European Union by 2050."
|
||||
|
||||
== Anti-nuclear organizations ==
|
||||
|
||||
The anti-nuclear movement is a social movement which operates at the local, national, and international level. Various types of groups have identified themselves with the movement:
|
||||
|
||||
direct action groups, such as the Clamshell Alliance and Shad Alliance
|
||||
environmental groups, such as Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace
|
||||
consumer protection groups, such as Ralph Nader's Critical Mass
|
||||
professional organisations, such as International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War
|
||||
political parties such as European Free Alliance
|
||||
Anti-nuclear groups have undertaken public protests and acts of civil disobedience, including occupations of nuclear plant sites. Other salient strategies have included lobbying, petitioning government authorities, influencing public policy through referendum campaigns, and involvement in elections. Anti-nuclear groups have also tried to influence policy implementation through litigation and by participating in licensing proceedings.
|
||||
Anti-nuclear power organisations have emerged in every country that has had a nuclear power programme. Protest movements against nuclear power first emerged in the United States at the local level and quickly spread to Europe and the rest of the world. National nuclear campaigns emerged in the late 1970s. Fuelled by the Three Mile Island accident and the Chernobyl disaster, the anti-nuclear power movement mobilised political and economic forces that, for some years, "made nuclear energy untenable in many countries". In the 1970s and 1980s, the formation of green parties was often a direct result of anti-nuclear politics (e.g., in Germany and Sweden).
|
||||
Some of these anti-nuclear power organisations are reported to have developed considerable expertise on nuclear power and energy issues. In 1992, the chairman of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission said that "his agency had been pushed in the right direction on safety issues because of the pleas and protests of nuclear watchdog groups".
|
||||
40
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-5.md
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|
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|
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|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
=== International organizations ===
|
||||
European Nuclear Disarmament, which held annual conventions in the 1980s involving thousands of anti-nuclear weapons activists mostly from Western Europe but also from Eastern Europe, the United States, and Australia.
|
||||
Friends of the Earth International, a network of environmental organizations in 77 countries. Since 2014, however, Friends of the Earth (UK) has softened its stance; the fierce opposition against nuclear reactors has shifted into a more pragmatic opposition, which still opposes the construction of new nuclear (fission) reactors, but doesn't campaign against closing down the existing ones anymore.
|
||||
Global Zero, an international non-partisan group of 300 world leaders dedicated to achieving the elimination of nuclear weapons.
|
||||
Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism, an international partnership of 83 nations.
|
||||
Greenpeace International, a non-governmental environmental organization with offices in over 41 countries and headquarters in Amsterdam, Netherlands.
|
||||
International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons
|
||||
International Network of Engineers and Scientists for Global Responsibility
|
||||
International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, which had affiliates in 41 nations in 1985, representing 135,000 physicians; IPPNW was awarded the UNESCO Peace Education Prize in 1984 and the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985.
|
||||
Nuclear Information and Resource Service
|
||||
OPANAL
|
||||
Parliamentarians for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, a global network of over 700 parliamentarians from more than 75 countries working to prevent nuclear proliferation
|
||||
Pax Christi International, a Catholic group which took a "sharply anti-nuclear stand"
|
||||
Ploughshares Fund
|
||||
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
|
||||
Socialist International, the world body of social democratic parties
|
||||
Sōka Gakkai, a peace-oriented Buddhist organisation, which held anti-nuclear exhibitions in Japanese cities during the late 1970s, and gathered 10 million signatures on petitions calling for the abolition of nuclear weapons
|
||||
United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs
|
||||
World Disarmament Campaign
|
||||
World Information Service on Energy, based in Amsterdam, the Netherlands
|
||||
World Union for Protection of Life
|
||||
|
||||
=== Other groups ===
|
||||
National and local anti-nuclear groups are listed at Anti-nuclear groups in the United States and List of anti-nuclear groups.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Symbols ===
|
||||
|
||||
== Activities ==
|
||||
|
||||
=== Large protests ===
|
||||
24
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|
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|
||||
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|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
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|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
In 1971, the town of Wyhl, on the Rhine in Southern Germany, was proposed as the site of the Wyhl Nuclear Power Plant. In the years that followed, public opposition steadily mounted, and large protests occurred. Television coverage of police dragging away farmers and their wives helped to turn nuclear power into a major issue. In 1975, an administrative court withdrew the construction licence for the plant. The Wyhl experience encouraged the formation of citizen action groups near other planned nuclear sites.
|
||||
In 1972, the nuclear disarmament movement maintained a presence in the Pacific, largely in response to French nuclear testing there. New Zealand activists sailed boats into the test zone, interrupting the testing program. In Australia, thousands of people joined protest marches in Adelaide, Melbourne, Brisbane, and Sydney. Scientists issued statements demanding an end to the nuclear tests. In Fiji, anti-nuclear activists formed an Against Testing on Mururoa organization.
|
||||
In the Basque Country (Spain and France), a strong anti-nuclear movement emerged in 1973, ultimately leading to the abandonment of most planned nuclear power projects. On 14 July 1977, in Bilbao, between 150,000 and 200,000 people protested against the Lemoniz Nuclear Power Plant. This has been called the "biggest ever anti-nuclear demonstration".
|
||||
In France, there were mass protests in the early 1970s, organized at nearly every planned nuclear site. Between 1975 and 1977, some 175,000 people protested against nuclear power in ten demonstrations. In 1977 there was a massive demonstration at the Superphénix breeder reactor in Creys-Malvillein which culminated in violence.
|
||||
In West Germany, between February 1975 and April 1979, some 280,000 people were involved in seven demonstrations at nuclear sites. Several site occupations were also attempted. Following the Three Mile Island accident in 1979, some 120,000 people attended a demonstration against nuclear power in Bonn.
|
||||
In the Philippines, there were many protests in the late 1970s and 1980s against the proposed Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, which was built but never operated due to safety concerns and issues regarding corruption.
|
||||
In 1981, Germany's largest anti-nuclear power demonstration protested against the construction of the Brokdorf Nuclear Power Plant west of Hamburg. Some 100,000 people came face-to-face with 10,000 police officers.
|
||||
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the revival of the nuclear arms race triggered a new wave of protests about nuclear weapons. Older organizations such as the Federation of Atomic Scientists revived; newer organizations appeared, including the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign and Physicians for Social Responsibility. In the UK, on 1 April 1983, about 70,000 people linked arms to form a 14-mile-long human chain between three nuclear weapons centres in Berkshire.
|
||||
On Palm Sunday 1982, 100,000 Australians participated in anti-nuclear rallies in the nation's largest cities. Year by year, the rallies grew, drawing 350,000 participants in 1985. On 29 October 1983, the Committee Cruise Missiles No organised a demonstration in The Hague, Netherlands, which was attended by 550,000 people, and was the largest demonstration in the history of the Netherlands.
|
||||
In May 1986, following the Chernobyl disaster, clashes between anti-nuclear protesters and West German police were common. More than 400 people were injured in mid-May at demonstrations against the Wackersdorf reprocessing plant being built near Wackersdorf. Also in May 1986, an estimated 150,000 to 200,000 people marched in Rome to protest against the Italian nuclear program, and 50,000 marched in Milan. Hundreds of people walked from Los Angeles to Washington, D.C., in 1986 in what is referred to as the Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament. The march took nine months to traverse 3,700 miles (6,000 km), advancing approximately fifteen miles per day.
|
||||
The anti-nuclear organisation "Nevada Semipalatinsk" was formed in 1989 and was one of the first major anti-nuclear groups in the former Soviet Union. It attracted thousands of people to its protests and campaigns, which eventually led to the closure of the nuclear test site in north-east Kazakhstan in 1991.
|
||||
The World Uranium Hearing was held in Salzburg, Austria in September 1992. Anti-nuclear speakers from all continents, including indigenous speakers and scientists, testified to the health and environmental problems of uranium mining and processing, nuclear power, nuclear weapons, nuclear tests, and radioactive waste disposal. People who spoke at the 1992 Hearing included Thomas Banyacya, Katsumi Furitsu, Manuel Pino and Floyd Red Crow Westerman.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Protests in the United States ===
|
||||
35
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-nuclear_movement-7.md
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||||
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||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
There were many anti-nuclear protests in the United States which captured national public attention during the 1970s and 1980s. These included the well-known Clamshell Alliance protests at Seabrook Station Nuclear Power Plant and the Abalone Alliance protests at Diablo Canyon Nuclear Power Plant, where thousands of protesters were arrested. Other large protests followed the 1979 Three Mile Island accident.
|
||||
A large anti-nuclear demonstration was held in May 1979 in Washington, D.C., when 65,000 people, including the Governor of California, attended a march and rally against nuclear power. In New York City on 23 September 1979, almost 200,000 people attended a protest against nuclear power. Anti-nuclear power protests preceded the shutdown of the Shoreham, Yankee Rowe, Millstone I, Rancho Seco, Maine Yankee, and about a dozen other nuclear power plants.
|
||||
On 12 June 1982, one million people demonstrated in New York City's Central Park against nuclear weapons and for an end to the cold war arms race. It was the largest anti-nuclear protest and the largest political demonstration in American history. International Day of Nuclear Disarmament protests were held on 20 June 1983, at 50 sites across the United States.
|
||||
In 1986, hundreds of people walked from Los Angeles to Washington, D.C., in the Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament. There were many Nevada Desert Experience protests and peace camps at the Nevada Test Site during the 1980s and 1990s.
|
||||
On 1 May 2005, 40,000 anti-nuclear/anti-war protesters marched past the United Nations in New York, 60 years after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This was the largest anti-nuclear rally in the U.S. for several decades. In the 2000s, there were protests about, and campaigns against, several new nuclear reactor proposals in the United States. In 2013, four aging, uncompetitive, reactors were permanently closed: San Onofre 2 and 3 in California, Crystal River 3 in Florida, and Kewaunee in Wisconsin. Vermont Yankee, in Vernon, is scheduled to close in 2014, following many protests. Protesters in New York State are seeking to close Indian Point Energy Center, in Buchanan, 30 miles from New York City.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Recent developments ===
|
||||
For many years after the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, nuclear power was off the policy agenda in most countries, and the anti-nuclear power movement seemed to have won its case. Some anti-nuclear groups disbanded. In the 2000s (decade), however, following public relations activities by the nuclear industry, advances in nuclear reactor designs, and concerns about climate change, nuclear power issues came back into energy policy discussions in some countries. The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster subsequently undermined the nuclear power industry's proposed comeback.
|
||||
|
||||
2004–2006
|
||||
In January 2004, up to 15,000 anti-nuclear protesters marched in Paris against a new generation of nuclear reactors, the European Pressurised Water Reactor (EPWR).
|
||||
On 1 May 2005, 40,000 anti-nuclear/anti-war protesters marched past the United Nations in New York, 60 years after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This was the largest anti-nuclear rally in the U.S. for several decades. In Britain, there were many protests about the government's proposal to replace the aging Trident weapons system with a newer model. The largest protest had 100,000 participants and, according to polls, 59 per cent of the public opposed the move.
|
||||
|
||||
2007–2009
|
||||
|
||||
On 17 March 2007, simultaneous protests, organised by Sortir du nucléaire, were staged in five French towns to protest construction of EPR plants; Rennes, Lyon, Toulouse, Lille, and Strasbourg.
|
||||
In June 2007, 4,000 residents, students, and anti-nuclear activists took to the streets in the city of Kudus in Indonesia's Central Java, calling on the Government to abandon plans to build a nuclear power plant there.
|
||||
In February 2008, a group of concerned scientists and engineers called for the closure of the Kazantzakis-Kariwa Nuclear Power Plant in Japan.
|
||||
The International Conference on Nuclear Disarmament took place in Oslo in February 2008. The Government of Norway, the Nuclear Threat Initiative, and the Hoover Institute organized it. The Conference was entitled Achieving the Vision of a World Free of Nuclear Weapons and had the purpose of building consensus between nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states in relation to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty.
|
||||
During a weekend in October 2008, some 15,000 people disrupted the transport of radioactive nuclear waste from France to a dump in Germany. This was one of the largest such protests in many years and, according to Der Spiel, it signals a revival of the anti-nuclear movement in Germany. In 2009, the coalition of green parties in the European parliament, who are unanimous in their anti-nuclear position, increased their presence in the parliament from 5.5% to 7.1% (52 seats).
|
||||
In October 2008, in the United Kingdom, more than 30 people were arrested during one of the largest anti-nuclear protests at the Atomic Weapons Establishment at Aldermaston for 10 years. The demonstration marked the start of the UN World Disarmament Week and involved about 400 people.
|
||||
In 2008 and 2009, there have been protests about, and criticism of, several new nuclear reactor proposals in the United States. There have also been some objections to license renewals for existing nuclear plants.
|
||||
A convoy of 350 farm tractors and 50,000 protesters took part in an anti-nuclear rally in Berlin on 5 September 2009. The marchers demanded that Germany close all nuclear plants by 2020 and close the Gorleben radioactive dump. Gorleben is the focus of the anti-nuclear movement in Germany, which has tried to derail train transports of waste and to destroy or block the approach roads to the site. Two above-ground storage units house 3,500 containers of radioactive sludge and thousands of tonnes of spent fuel rods.
|
||||
|
||||
2010
|
||||
17
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|
||||
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|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:20.182369+00:00"
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||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
On 21 April 2010, a dozen environmental organizations called on the United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission to investigate possible limitations in the AP1000 reactor design. These groups appealed to three federal agencies to suspend the licensing process, arguing that containment in the new design is weaker than in existing reactors.
|
||||
On 24 April 2010, about 120,000 people built a human chain (KETTENreAKTION!) between the nuclear plants at Krümmel and Brunsbüttel. In this way, they were demonstrating against the German government's plans to extend the lifespans of nuclear power reactors.
|
||||
In May 2010, some 25,000 people, including members of peace organizations and 1945 atomic bomb survivors, marched for about two kilometers from downtown New York to the United Nations headquarters, calling for the elimination of nuclear weapons. In September 2010, German government policy shifted back toward nuclear energy, and this generated some new anti-nuclear sentiment in Berlin and beyond. On 18 September 2010, tens of thousands of Germans surrounded Chancellor Angela Merkel's office in an anti-nuclear demonstration that organisers said was the biggest of its kind since the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. In October 2010, tens of thousands of people protested in Munich against the nuclear power policy of Angela Merkel's coalition government. The action was the largest anti-nuclear event in Bavaria for more than two decades. In November 2010, there were violent protests against a train carrying reprocessed nuclear waste in Germany. Tens of thousands of protesters gathered in Dannenberg to signal their opposition to the cargo. Around 16,000 police were mobilised to deal with the protests.
|
||||
In December 2010, some 10,000 people (mainly fishermen, farmers, and their families) turned out to oppose the Jaitapur Nuclear Power Project in the Maharashtra state of India, amid a heavy police presence.
|
||||
In December 2010, five anti-nuclear weapons activists, including octogenarians and Jesuit priests, were convicted of conspiracy and trespass in Tacoma, US. They cut fences at Naval Base Kitsap-Bangor in 2009 to protest submarine nuclear weapons, and reached an area near where Trident nuclear warheads are stored in bunkers. Members of the group could face up to 10 years in prison.
|
||||
|
||||
2011
|
||||
27
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||||
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|
||||
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||||
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category: "reference"
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|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:20.182369+00:00"
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||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
In January 2011, five Japanese young people held a hunger strike for more than a week, outside the Prefectural Government offices in Yamaguchi City, to protest against the planned Kaminoseki Nuclear Power Plant near the environmentally sensitive Seto Inland Sea.
|
||||
Following the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, anti-nuclear opposition intensified in Germany. On 12 March 2011, 60,000 Germans formed a 45-km human chain from Stuttgart to the Neckarwestheim power plant. On 14 March 110,000 people protested in 450 other German towns, with opinion polls indicating 80% of Germans opposed the government's extension of nuclear power. On 15 March 2011, Angela Merkel said that seven nuclear power plants which went online before 1980 would be closed and the time would be used to study speedier renewable energy commercialization.
|
||||
In March 2011, around 2,000 anti-nuclear protesters demonstrated in Taiwan for an immediate halt to the construction of the island's fourth nuclear power plant. The protesters were also opposed to plans to extend the lifespan of three existing nuclear plants.
|
||||
In March 2011, more than 200,000 people took part in anti-nuclear protests in four large German cities, on the eve of state elections. Organisers called it the largest anti-nuclear demonstration the country has seen. Thousands of Germans demanding an end to the use of nuclear power took part in nationwide demonstrations on 2 April 2011. About 7,000 people took part in anti-nuclear protests in Bremen. About 3,000 people protested outside RWE's headquarters in Essen.
|
||||
Citing the Fukushima nuclear disaster, environmental activists at a U.N. meeting in April 2011 "urged bolder steps to tap renewable energy so the world doesn't have to choose between the dangers of nuclear power and the ravages of climate change".
|
||||
In mid-April, 17,000 people protested at two demonstrations in Tokyo against nuclear power.
|
||||
In India, environmentalists, local farmers and fishermen have been protesting for months over the planned Jaitapur Nuclear Power Project six-reactor complex, 420 km south of Mumbai. If built, it would be one of the world's largest nuclear power complexes. Protests have escalated following Japan's Fukushima nuclear disaster, and during two days of violent rallies in April 2011, a local man was killed, and dozens were injured.
|
||||
In May 2011, some 20,000 people turned out for Switzerland's largest anti-nuclear power demonstration in 25 years. Demonstrators marched peacefully near the Beznau Nuclear Power Plant, Switzerland's oldest nuclear power plant, which began operating 40 years ago. Days after the anti-nuclear rally, Cabinet decided to ban the building of new nuclear power reactors. The country's five existing reactors would be allowed to continue operating, but "would not be replaced at the end of their life span".
|
||||
In May 2011, 5,000 people joined a carnival-like anti-nuclear protest in Taipei City. This was part of a nationwide "No Nuke Action" protest, urging the government to stop construction of a Fourth Nuclear Plant and pursue a more sustainable energy policy.
|
||||
On World Environment Day in June 2011, environmental groups demonstrated against Taiwan's nuclear power policy. The Taiwan Environmental Protection Union, together with 13 environmental groups and legislators, gathered in Taipei to protest the nation's three operating nuclear power plants and the construction of a fourth.
|
||||
Three months after the Fukushima nuclear disaster, thousands of anti-nuclear protesters marched in Japan. Company workers, students, and parents with children rallied across Japan, "venting their anger at the government's handling of the crisis, carrying flags bearing the words 'No Nukes!' and 'No More Fukushima'."
|
||||
In August 2011, about 2,500 people, including farmers and fishermen, marched in Tokyo. They are suffering heavy losses following the Fukushima nuclear disaster and have called for prompt compensation from the plant operator, TEPCO, and the government.
|
||||
In September 2011, anti-nuclear protesters, marching to the beat of drums, "took to the streets of Tokyo and other cities to mark six months since the March earthquake and tsunami and vent their anger at the government's handling of the nuclear crisis set off by meltdowns at the Fukushima power plant". Protesters called for a complete shutdown of Japanese nuclear power plants and demanded a shift in government policy toward alternative sources of energy. Among the protestors were four young men who started a 10-day hunger strike to bring about change in Japan's nuclear policy.
|
||||
Tens of thousands of people marched in central Tokyo in September 2011, chanting "Sayonara nuclear power" and waving banners, to call on Japan's government to abandon atomic energy in the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. Author Kenzaburō Ōe and musician Ryuichi Sakamoto were among the event's supporters.
|
||||
Since the March 2011 Japanese Fukushima nuclear disaster, "populations around proposed Indian NPP sites have launched protests that are now finding resonance around the country, raising questions about atomic energy as a clean and safe alternative to fossil fuels". Assurances by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that all safety measures will be implemented, have not been heeded. There have thus been mass protests against the French-backed 9900 MW Jaitapur Nuclear Power Project in Maharashtra and the 2000 MW Koodankulam Nuclear Power Plant in Tamil Nadu. The state government of West Bengal has also refused permission for a proposed 6,000 MW facility in which six Russian reactors were to be built. A Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has also been filed against the government's civil nuclear program at the apex Supreme Court. The PIL specifically asks for the "staying of all proposed nuclear power plants till satisfactory safety measures and cost-benefit analyses are completed by independent agencies".
|
||||
Michael Banach, the current Vatican representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, told a conference in Vienna in September 2011 that the Japanese nuclear disaster created new concerns about the safety of nuclear plants globally. Auxiliary bishop of Osaka Michael Goro Matsuura said this serious nuclear power incident should be a lesson for Japan and other countries to abandon nuclear projects. He called on the worldwide Christian solidarity to provide wide support for this anti-nuclear campaign. Statements from bishops' conferences in Korea and the Philippines called on their governments to abandon atomic power. Nobel laureate Kenzaburō Ōe has said that Japan should quickly decide to abandon its nuclear reactors.
|
||||
In the UK, in October 2011, more than 200 protesters blockaded the Hinkley Point C nuclear power station site. Members of the Stop New Nuclear alliance barred access to the site in protest of EDF Energy's plans to build two new reactors there.
|
||||
25
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antiqua_et_nova-0.md
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Antiqua et nova"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antiqua_et_nova"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:21.481695+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Antiqua et nova (Latin for 'Ancient and new') is a doctrinal note of the Catholic Church co-issued by the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith and the Dicastery for Culture and Education in January 2025. It addresses the "relationship between artificial intelligence [AI] and human intelligence" and offers reflections on the "anthropological and ethical challenges raised by AI".
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Background ==
|
||||
With the substantial increase in the proliferation and usage of large language models such as ChatGPT, Pope Francis expressed concerns about a "technocratic" future and transparency in the development of further artificial intelligence technologies at the 2024 G7 summit. He also addressed the topic in his October 2024 encyclical Dilexit nos. The Vatican City State enacted laws about the usage of AI on 1 January 2025.
|
||||
On 14 January 2025, Pope Francis met with Cardinal Víctor Manuel Fernández, prefect of the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, and approved the draft document of Antiqua et nova. The following day, Fernández announced the pending publication of a document on AI which was released on 28 January 2025.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Summary ==
|
||||
Antiqua et nova is a 30-page-long document known as a note. The document's name is derived from its first words in Latin, corresponding to "ancient and new" in the English version. The document, in 117 paragraphs, addresses challenges and opportunities in AI in the fields of education, economy, work, health, relationships, and war.
|
||||
The note calls attention to workers becoming "deskilled" and becoming more subject to harsh, repetitive labor and surveillance. It also warns of students failing to develop critical thinking skills, while cautiously noting prudential use of AI can help provide instant critiques. Regarding war, the note declares of "grave ethical concern" are autonomous lethal weapons systems without direct human intervention or control. It also draws attention to environmental concerns about the use of water and energy needed to run the necessary hardware for AI. The document expresses serious concerns about deepfakes and false information generated by AI, as well as further privacy issues surrounding surveillance and expressing matters of conscience to chat models. It warns of a technocratic control of society, with large companies exerting significant social and political influence capable of manipulating consciences and democratic process.
|
||||
The document concludes that artificial intelligence must only be used to complement human intelligence rather than replacing it, as a replacement would enslave humanity and serve as a "substitute for God".
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Asilomar Conference on Beneficial AI"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asilomar_Conference_on_Beneficial_AI"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:23.847755+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Asilomar Conference on Beneficial AI was a conference organized by the Future of Life Institute, held January 5–8, 2017, at the Asilomar Conference Grounds in California. More than 100 thought leaders and researchers in economics, law, ethics, and philosophy met at the conference, to address and formulate principles of beneficial AI. Its outcome was the creation of a set of guidelines for AI research – the 23 Asilomar AI Principles.
|
||||
The 23 principles, published as an open letter, received signatures from 1797 AI–Robotics researchers and 3923 others. Notable signatures included: Elon Musk, Stephen Hawking, executive director of the ACLU Anthony D. Romero, Dutch politician Kees Verhoeven, British tech entrepreneur Tabitha Goldstaub, American filmmaker James Barrat, CEO of Google Deepmind Demis Hassabis, AI researchers Ilya Sutskever, Yann LeCun, Yoshua Bengio, and Stuart Russell, philosophers Sam Harris and Will MacAskill, and actor Joseph Gordon-Levitt, amongst others.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Further reading ==
|
||||
Alexander, Scott (February 7, 2017). "Notes From The Asilomar Conference On Beneficial AI". Slate Star Codex.
|
||||
Olivér, Gábor (2022). Critique of the Asilomar AI Principles (PDF). GeniaNet. doi:10.15170/COTAAP-2022. ISBN 978-615-5687-04-4.
|
||||
Nazir, Saddat (June 27, 2024). "The Asilomar Conference and Contemporary AI Controversies: Lessons in Regulation". Harvard International Review.
|
||||
Inshakova, Agnessa O.; Deryugina, Tatiana V.; et al. (2025). "Asilomar Principles for the Development and Use of Artificial Intelligence in the IT Sector of the Economy". In Inshakova, Agnessa; et al. (eds.). LegalTech and Legal-AI in Business. Intelligent Systems Reference Library. Vol. 276. Springer. pp. 3–13. doi:10.1007/978-3-031-93474-2_1. ISBN 978-3-031-93473-5.
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Australasian Journal of Bone & Joint Medicine"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australasian_Journal_of_Bone_&_Joint_Medicine"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:25.015977+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Australasian Journal of Bone & Joint Medicine (originally titled the Australasian Journal of Musculoskeletal Medicine) was a periodical presented in the style of a scientific journal, published by Elsevier but established and funded by pharmaceutical company Merck. Publication began in 2002, and the last issue appeared in 2005. According to The Scientist:
|
||||
|
||||
Merck paid an undisclosed sum to Elsevier to produce several volumes of [Australasian Journal of Bone and Joint Medicine], a publication that had the look of a peer-reviewed medical journal, but contained only reprinted or summarized articles—most of which presented data favorable to Merck products—that appeared to act solely as marketing tools with no disclosure of company sponsorship.
|
||||
The publication was not included in the MEDLINE literature database and did not have its own website.
|
||||
In May 2009, Elsevier admitted that a series of similar industry sponsored publications had been produced, and that "high standards for disclosure were not followed in this instance". In a formal statement, the CEO of Elsevier's Health Sciences Division, Michael Hansen, admitted that the practice was "unacceptable", and expressed regret for the publications. Merck has denied claims that articles within it were ghost written by Merck and has stated that the articles were all reprinted from peer-reviewed medical journals.
|
||||
Several medical experts stated that their names were included in the Honorary Editorial Board of the Australasian Journal of Bone and Joint Medicine without their knowledge and consent.
|
||||
There were six such "industry-sponsored" publications brought out by Elsevier without proper disclosure of their nature, and which had the superficial appearance of a legitimate independent journal. The six publications involved were:
|
||||
|
||||
Australasian Journal of General Practice
|
||||
Australasian Journal of Neurology
|
||||
Australasian Journal of Cardiology
|
||||
Australasian Journal of Clinical Pharmacy
|
||||
Australasian Journal of Cardiovascular Medicine
|
||||
Australasian Journal of Bone & Joint Medicine
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
Academic dishonesty
|
||||
Elsevier § Fake journals
|
||||
Vioxx
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
Volume 2 (2003), Issue 1
|
||||
Volume 2 (2003), Issue 2
|
||||
22
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||||
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|
||||
title: "Baddies in Tech"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baddies_in_Tech"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
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|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:26.279243+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Baddies in Tech is an American organization that provides a safe space for Black women in the technology sectors to network and grow their careers. The founding of Baddies in Tech in 2019 led to the creation of BaddieCon.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== History ==
|
||||
Baddies in tech originated in 2019 as an Instagram hashtag created by Allie Joy Tsahey as she had felt isolated in the male dominated tech industry. The hashtag grew in popularity leading to the creation of the organization. In 2023 Baddies in Tech hosted its first BaddieCon event, which featured 38 speakers and 11 companies and vendors.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Organization ==
|
||||
Baddies in Tech is a nonprofit DAO headquartered in Brooklyn, NY founded by Allie Joy Tsahey in 2019. Baddies in Tech's mission is “to build a public good that empowers and uplifts Black and brown female technologists globally.” Baddies in Tech also provides a database of resources for those looking for employment opportunities. Furthermore, the Baddies in Tech organization hosts community events in NYC, D.C., and Atlanta and tech conferences geared toward providing women a safe place to come together. Baddies in Tech maintains a Discord server as a place of conversation for their community.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
32
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_data_ethics-0.md
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||||
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|
||||
title: "Big data ethics"
|
||||
chunk: 1/3
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_data_ethics"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:29.584431+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Big data ethics, also known simply as data ethics, refers to systemizing, defending, and recommending concepts of right and wrong conduct in relation to data, in particular personal data. Since the dawn of the Internet the sheer quantity and quality of data has dramatically increased and is continuing to do so exponentially. Big data describes this large amount of data that is so voluminous and complex that traditional data processing application software is inadequate to deal with them. Recent innovations in medical research and healthcare, such as high-throughput genome sequencing, high-resolution imaging, electronic medical patient records and a plethora of internet-connected health devices have triggered a data deluge that will reach the exabyte range in the near future. Data ethics is of increasing relevance as the quantity of data increases because of the scale of the impact.
|
||||
Big data ethics are different from information ethics because the focus of information ethics is more concerned with issues of intellectual property and concerns relating to librarians, archivists, and information professionals, while big data ethics is more concerned with collectors and disseminators of structured or unstructured data such as data brokers, governments, and large corporations. However, since artificial intelligence or machine learning systems are regularly built using big data sets, the discussions surrounding data ethics are often intertwined with those in the ethics of artificial intelligence. More recently, issues of big data ethics have also been researched in relation with other areas of technology and science ethics, including ethics in mathematics and engineering ethics, as many areas of applied mathematics and engineering use increasingly large data sets.
|
||||
|
||||
== Principles ==
|
||||
Data ethics is concerned with the following principles:
|
||||
|
||||
Ownership – Individuals own their personal data.
|
||||
Transaction transparency – If an individual's personal data is used, they should have transparent access to the algorithm design used to generate aggregate data sets.
|
||||
Consent – If an individual or legal entity would like to use personal data, one needs informed and explicitly expressed consent of what personal data moves to whom, when, and for what purpose from the owner of the data.
|
||||
Privacy – If data transactions occur all reasonable effort needs to be made to preserve privacy.
|
||||
Currency – Individuals should be aware of financial transactions resulting from the use of their personal data and the scale of these transactions.
|
||||
Openness – Aggregate data sets should be freely available.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Ownership ===
|
||||
Ownership of data involves determining rights and duties over property, such as the ability to exercise individual control over (including limit the sharing of) personal data comprising one's digital identity. The question of data ownership arises when someone records observations on an individual person: the observer and the observed both state a claim to the data. Questions also arise as to the responsibilities that the observer and the observed have in relation to each other. These questions have become increasingly relevant with the Internet magnifying the scale and systematization of observing people and their thoughts. The question of personal data ownership relates to questions of corporate ownership and intellectual property.
|
||||
In the European Union, some people argue that the General Data Protection Regulation indicates that individuals own their personal data, although this is contested.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Transaction transparency ===
|
||||
Concerns have been raised around how biases can be integrated into algorithm design resulting in systematic oppressionwhether consciously or unconsciously. These manipulations often stem from biases in the data, the design of the algorithm, or the underlying goals of the organization deploying them. One major cause of algorithmic bias is that algorithms learn from historical data, which may perpetuate existing inequities. In many cases, algorithms exhibit reduced accuracy when applied to individuals from marginalized or underrepresented communities. A notable example of this is pulse oximetry, which has shown reduced reliability for certain demographic groups due to a lack of sufficient testing or information on these populations. Additionally, many algorithms are designed to maximize specific metrics, such as engagement or profit, without adequately considering ethical implications. For instance, companies like Facebook and Twitter have been criticized for providing anonymity to harassers and for allowing racist content disguised as humor to proliferate, as such content often increases engagement. These challenges are compounded by the fact that many algorithms operate as "black boxes" for proprietary reasons, meaning that the reasoning behind their outputs is not fully understood by users. This opacity makes it more difficult to identify and address algorithmic bias.
|
||||
In terms of governance, big data ethics is concerned with which types of inferences and predictions should be made using big data technologies such as algorithms.
|
||||
Anticipatory governance is the practice of using predictive analytics to assess possible future behaviors. This has ethical implications because it affords the ability to target particular groups and places which can encourage prejudice and discrimination For example, predictive policing highlights certain groups or neighborhoods which should be watched more closely than others which leads to more sanctions in these areas, and closer surveillance for those who fit the same profiles as those who are sanctioned.
|
||||
The term "control creep" refers to data that has been generated with a particular purpose in mind but which is repurposed. This practice is seen with airline industry data which has been repurposed for profiling and managing security risks at airports.
|
||||
19
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_data_ethics-1.md
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---
|
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title: "Big data ethics"
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chunk: 2/3
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source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_data_ethics"
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category: "reference"
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:29.584431+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
=== Privacy ===
|
||||
Privacy has been presented as a limitation to data usage which could also be considered unethical. For example, the sharing of healthcare data can shed light on the causes of diseases, the effects of treatments, an can allow for tailored analyses based on individuals' needs. This is of ethical significance in the big data ethics field because while many value privacy, the affordances of data sharing are also quite valuable, although they may contradict one's conception of privacy. Attitudes against data sharing may be based in a perceived loss of control over data and a fear of the exploitation of personal data. However, it is possible to extract the value of data without compromising privacy.
|
||||
Government surveillance of big data has the potential to undermine individual privacy by collecting and storing data on phone calls, internet activity, and geolocation, among other things. For example, the NSA's collection of metadata exposed in global surveillance disclosures raised concerns about whether privacy was adequately protected, even when the content of communications was not analyzed. The right to privacy is often complicated by legal frameworks that grant governments broad authority over data collection for "national security" purposes. In the United States, the Supreme Court has not recognized a general right to "informational privacy," or control over personal information, though legislators have addressed the issue selectively through specific statutes. From an equity perspective, government surveillance and privacy violations tend to disproportionately harm marginalized communities. Historically, activists involved in the Civil rights movement were frequently targets of government surveillance as they were perceived as subversive elements. Programs such as COINTELPRO exemplified this pattern, involving espionage against civil rights leaders. This pattern persists today, with evidence of ongoing surveillance of activists and organizations.
|
||||
Additionally, the use of algorithms by governments to act on data obtained without consent introduces significant concerns about algorithmic bias. Predictive policing tools, for example, utilize historical crime data to predict "risky" areas or individuals, but these tools have been shown to disproportionately target minority communities. One such tool, the COMPAS system, is a notable example; Black defendants are twice as likely to be misclassified as high risk compared to white defendants, and Hispanic defendants are similarly more likely to be classified as high risk than their white counterparts. Marginalized communities often lack the resources or education needed to challenge these privacy violations or protect their data from nonconsensual use. Furthermore, there is a psychological toll, known as the "chilling effect," where the constant awareness of being surveilled disproportionately impacts communities already facing societal discrimination. This effect can deter individuals from engaging in legal but potentially "risky" activities, such as protesting or seeking legal assistance, further limiting their freedoms and exacerbating existing inequities.
|
||||
Some scholars such as Jonathan H. King and Neil M. Richards are redefining the traditional meaning of privacy, and others to question whether or not privacy still exists. In a 2014 article for the Wake Forest Law Review, King and Richard argue that privacy in the digital age can be understood not in terms of secrecy but in term of regulations which govern and control the use of personal information. In the European Union, the right to be forgotten entitles EU countries to force the removal or de-linking of personal data from databases at an individual's request if the information is deemed irrelevant or out of date. According to Andrew Hoskins, this law demonstrates the moral panic of EU members over the perceived loss of privacy and the ability to govern personal data in the digital age. In the United States, citizens have the right to delete voluntarily submitted data. This is very different from the right to be forgotten because much of the data produced using big data technologies and platforms are not voluntarily submitted. While traditional notions of privacy are under scrutiny, different legal frameworks related to privacy in the EU and US demonstrate how countries are grappling with these concerns in the context of big data. For example, the "right to be forgotten" in the EU and the right to delete voluntarily submitted data in the US illustrate the varying approaches to privacy regulation in the digital age.
|
||||
|
||||
==== How much data is worth ====
|
||||
The difference in value between the services facilitated by tech companies and the equity value of these tech companies is the difference in the exchange rate offered to the citizen and the "market rate" of the value of their data. Scientifically there are many holes in this rudimentary calculation: the financial figures of tax-evading companies are unreliable, either revenue or profit could be more appropriate, how a user is defined, a large number of individuals are needed for the data to be valuable, possible tiered prices for different people in different countries, etc. Although these calculations are crude, they serve to make the monetary value of data more tangible. Another approach is to find the data trading rates in the black market. RSA publishes a yearly cybersecurity shopping list that takes this approach.
|
||||
This raises the economic question of whether free tech services in exchange for personal data is a worthwhile implicit exchange for the consumer. In the personal data trading model, rather than companies selling data, an owner can sell their personal data and keep the profit.
|
||||
27
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_data_ethics-2.md
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Big data ethics"
|
||||
chunk: 3/3
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_data_ethics"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:29.584431+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
=== Openness ===
|
||||
The idea of open data is centered around the argument that data should be freely available and should not have restrictions that would prohibit its use, such as copyright laws. As of 2014 many governments had begun to move towards publishing open datasets for the purpose of transparency and accountability. This movement has gained traction via "open data activists" who have called for governments to make datasets available to allow citizens to themselves extract meaning from the data and perform checks and balances themselves. King and Richards have argued that this call for transparency includes a tension between openness and secrecy.
|
||||
Activists and scholars have also argued that because this open-sourced model of data evaluation is based on voluntary participation, the availability of open datasets has a democratizing effect on a society, allowing any citizen to participate. To some, the availability of certain types of data is seen as a right and an essential part of a citizen's agency.
|
||||
Open Knowledge Foundation (OKF) lists several dataset types it argues should be provided by governments for them to be truly open. OKF has a tool called the Global Open Data Index (GODI), a crowd-sourced survey for measuring the openness of governments, based on its Open Definition. GODI aims to be a tool for providing feedback to governments about the quality of their open datasets.
|
||||
Willingness to share data varies from person to person. Preliminary studies have been conducted into the determinants of the willingness to share data. For example, some have suggested that baby boomers are less willing to share data than millennials.
|
||||
|
||||
== Historical cases ==
|
||||
|
||||
=== Snowden disclosures ===
|
||||
The fallout from Edward Snowden's disclosures in 2013 significantly reshaped public discourse around data collection and the privacy principle of big data ethics. The case revealed that governments controlled and possessed far more information about civilians than previously understood, violating the principle of ownership, particularly in ways that disproportionately affected disadvantaged communities. For instance, activists were frequently targeted, including members of movements such as Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter. This revelation prompted governments and organizations to revisit data collection and storage practices to better protect individual privacy while also addressing national security concerns. The case also exposed widespread online surveillance of other countries and their citizens, raising important questions about data sovereignty and ownership. In response, some countries, such as Brazil and Germany, took action to push back against these practices. However, many developing nations lacked the technological independence necessary or were too generally dependent on the nations surveilling them to resist such surveillance, leaving them at a disadvantage in addressing these concerns.
|
||||
|
||||
=== Cambridge Analytica scandal ===
|
||||
The Cambridge Analytica scandal highlighted significant ethical concerns in the use of big data. Data was harvested from approximately 87 million Facebook users without their explicit consent and used to display targeted political advertisements. This violated the currency principle of big data ethics, as individuals were initially unaware of how their data was being exploited. The scandal revealed how data collected for one purpose could be repurposed for entirely different uses, bypassing users' consent and emphasizing the need for explicit and informed consent in data usage. Additionally, the algorithms used for ad delivery were opaque, challenging the principles of transaction transparency and openness. In some cases, the political ads spread misinformation, often disproportionately targeting disadvantaged groups and contributing to knowledge gaps. Marginalized communities and individuals with lower digital literacy were disproportionately affected as they were less likely to recognize or act against exploitation. In contrast, users with more resources or digital literacy could better safeguard their data, exacerbating existing power imbalances.
|
||||
|
||||
== Footnotes ==
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
33
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_in_AI-0.md
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Black in AI"
|
||||
chunk: 1/2
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_in_AI"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:30.761788+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Black in AI, formally called the Black in AI Workshop, is a technology research organization and affinity group, founded by computer scientists Timnit Gebru and Rediet Abebe in 2017. It started as a conference workshop, later pivoting into an organization. Black in AI increases the presence and inclusion of Black people in the field of artificial intelligence (AI) by creating space for sharing ideas, fostering collaborations, mentorship, and advocacy.
|
||||
|
||||
== History ==
|
||||
Black in AI was created in 2017 to address issues of lack of diversity in AI workshops, and was started as its own workshop within the Conference on Neural Information Processing Systems (NeurIPS) conference. Because of algorithmic bias, ethical issues, and underrepresentation of Black people in AI roles; there has been an ongoing need for unity within the AI community to have focus on these issues. Black in AI has strived to continue the progress of improving the presence of people of color in the field of artificial intelligence.
|
||||
In 2018 and 2019, the Black in AI workshop had many immigration visa issues to Canada, which spurred the conference to be planned for 2020 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. On December 7, 2020, Black in AI held its fourth annual workshop and first virtual workshop (due to the COVID-19 pandemic).
|
||||
In 2021, Black in AI, alongside the groups Queer in AI and Widening NLP, released a public statement refusing funding from Google in an act of protest of Google's treatment of Timnit Gebru, Margaret Mitchell, and April Christina Curley in the events that occurred in December 2020.
|
||||
|
||||
== Founders ==
|
||||
Rediet Abebe is an Ethiopian computer scientist who specializes in algorithms and artificial intelligence. She is a Computer Science Assistant Professor at the University of California, Berkeley. She was previously a Junior Fellow at Harvard's Society of Fellows. She was the first Black woman to receive a Ph.D. in computer science at Cornell University. She "designs and analyzes algorithms, discrete optimizations, network-based, [and] computational strategies to increase access to opportunity for historically disadvantaged populations," according to her web bio.
|
||||
Timnit Gebru was born in Ethiopia and moved to the United States at the age of fifteen. She got her B.S. and M.S. in electrical engineering from Stanford University, as well as a PhD from the Stanford Artificial Intelligence Laboratory, where she studied computer vision under Fei-Fei Li. She formerly worked as a postdoctoral researcher at Microsoft Research in the Fairness Accountability Transparency, and Ethics (FATE) division. She's also worked with Apple, where she assisted in the development of signal-processing algorithms for the original iPad.
|
||||
|
||||
== Grants ==
|
||||
Black in AI received grants and support from private foundations like MacArthur Foundation and Rockefeller Foundation. The organization received $10,000 in 2018 for its annual workshop and $150,000 in 2019 for its long-term organizational planning.
|
||||
In 2020, during the pandemic, the organization received a grant of $300,000 by MacArthur Foundation in order to provide broad organizational support.
|
||||
In 2022, Rockefeller Foundation announced $300,000 to fight prejudice in artificial intelligence (AI) across the globe and incorporate equity into this rapidly expanding field.
|
||||
|
||||
== Programs ==
|
||||
"Black in AI works in academics, advocacy, entrepreneurship, financial support, and summer research programs."
|
||||
The Black in AI Academic Program is a resource for Black junior researchers applying to graduate schools, navigating graduate school, and transitioning into the postgraduate employment market. They provide online education sessions, offer scholarships to cover application fees, pair participants with peer and senior mentors, and distribute crowdsourced papers that simplify the application process. They also undertake research projects to investigate and highlight the difficulties that Black young researchers face, as well as push for structural reforms to eliminate these barriers and build equitable research settings. Moses Namara is a Facebook Research Fellow at Clemson University and a PhD candidate in Human-Centered Computing (HCC). He is the mentor for the new Black in AI Academic Program.
|
||||
During the graduate school admissions season in 2021, Black in AI served more than 200 potential graduate program candidates in some capacity. Furthermore, the organization's study identified greater problems encountered by Black graduate school candidates, such as the high cost of graduate school admissions examinations (GREs), which are known to be biased against those from low-income backgrounds. Black in AI's attempts to encourage institutions to eliminate the obstacles were supported by the findings.
|
||||
Black in AI is also developing a program to help and connect Black tech startups with investors.
|
||||
Black in AI also mentors early-career Black AI academics and is forming relationships with Historically Black Colleges and Universities to extend its academic program.
|
||||
In 2021, Black in AI launched two summer research programs, one for undergraduate internships and another for unconstrained research mentorship, including one aimed explicitly at empowering Black women's AI research projects.
|
||||
31
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_in_AI-1.md
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Black in AI"
|
||||
chunk: 2/2
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_in_AI"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:30.761788+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
== Conferences and workshops ==
|
||||
At NeurIPS 2017, the first Black in AI event took place in December 8, 2017 in Long Beach, California. The goal was to bring together experts in the area to share ideas and debate efforts aimed at increasing the participation of Black people in artificial intelligence, both for diversity and to avoid data bias. Black AI researchers had the opportunity to share their work at the workshop's oral and poster sessions.
|
||||
The second workshop was hosted in Montréal, Canada, on December 7, 2018. According to AI experts, visa issues stymie efforts to make their area more inclusive, making technology that discriminates or disadvantages individuals who aren't white or Western less likely. Hundreds of participants who were supposed to attend or present work at the Black in AI session on Friday were unable to fly to Canada; many of the participants were from African countries.
|
||||
The third workshop was held in NeurIPS 2019, one of the premier machine learning conferences Vancouver, Canada. The workshop was able to give travel scholarships and visa support to hundreds of academics who would not have been able to attend NeurIPS without the help of sponsors. For instance, Ramon Vilarino of the University of Sao Paulo, who presented a poster at the conference on his study of geographical and racial prejudice in credit scoring in Brazil, would not have been able to attend NeurIPS without the help of Black in AI.
|
||||
Twenty-four academics from Africa and South America were denied visas to attend this session during the conference, according to Victor Silva, the workshop organizer. He noted that, less than a month before the conference, 40 applicants from both continents had been given visas but that more than 70 applications were still waiting. For the second year in a row, visa restrictions have stopped several African scholars from attending the 2018 meeting in Montreal.
|
||||
The AAAI announced the first Black in AI lunch, which was held in conjunction with AAAI-19. The lunch was hosted on Tuesday, January 29, 2019. This event was intended to promote networking, discussion of various AI career options, and the exchange of ideas in order to boost the number of Black researchers in the area.
|
||||
The fourth Black in AI workshop, which was held in conjunction with NeurIPS 2020, took place the week of December 7, 2020. The workshop was scheduled to take place in Vancouver, British Columbia. Due to the pandemic, the session was held for the first time in a virtual format. Victor Silva, an AI4Society student, served as the event's chair.
|
||||
The fifth annual Black in AI workshop was also held virtually in 2021. Oral presentations, guest keynote speakers, a combined poster session with other affinity groups, sponsored sessions, and startup showcases was all featured. The goal of the session was to raise the visibility of black scholars at NeurIPS.
|
||||
|
||||
== See also ==
|
||||
African-American women in computer science
|
||||
Algorithmic bias
|
||||
Data for Black Lives
|
||||
Ethics of artificial intelligence
|
||||
Data Science Africa
|
||||
Deep Learning Indaba
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
|
||||
== External links ==
|
||||
Official website
|
||||
32
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joanna_Bryson-0.md
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|
||||
---
|
||||
title: "Joanna Bryson"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joanna_Bryson"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
||||
tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:32.003002+00:00"
|
||||
instance: "kb-cron"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Joanna Joy Bryson (born 1965) is professor at Hertie School in Berlin. She works on Artificial Intelligence, ethics and collaborative cognition. She has been a British citizen since 2007.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Education ==
|
||||
Bryson attended Glenbard North High School and graduated in 1982. She studied Behavioural Science at the University of Chicago, graduating with an AB in 1986. In 1991 she moved to the University of Edinburgh where she completed an MSc in Artificial Intelligence before an MPhil in Psychology. Bryson moved to MIT to complete her PhD, earning a doctorate under Lynn Andrea Stein in 2001 for her thesis "Intelligence by Design: Principles of Modularity and Coordination for Engineering Complex Adaptive Agents". In 1995 she worked for LEGO Futura in Boston, and then in 1998 she worked for LEGO Digital as an AI consultant with Kristinn R. Thórisson on cognitive architectures for autonomous LEGO characters in the Wizard Group. She completed a postdoctoral fellowship in Marc Hauser's Primate Cognitive Neuroscience at the Harvard University in 2002.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Career ==
|
||||
Bryson joined the Department of Computer Science at the University of Bath in 2002. At Bath, Bryson founded the Intelligent Systems research group. In 2007 she joined the University of Nottingham as a visiting research fellow in the Methods and Data Institute. During this time, she was a Hans Przibram Fellow at the Konrad Lorenz Institute for Evolution and Cognition. She joined Oxford University as a visiting research fellow in 2010, working with Harvey Whitehouse on the impact of religion on societies.
|
||||
In 2010 Bryson published Robots Should Be Slaves, which selected as a chapter in Yorick Wilks' "Close Engagements with Artificial Companions: Key Social, Psychological, Ethical and Design Issues". She helped the EPSRC to define the Principles of Robotics in 2010. In 2015 she was a Visiting Academic at the University of Princeton Center for Information Technology Policy, where she remained an affiliate through 2018. At CITP she worked on "Standardizing Ethical Design for Artificial Intelligence and Autonomous Systems" and coauthored a seminal paper on algorithmic bias with Aylin Caliskan and Arvind Narayanan. In 2020 she became Professor of Ethics and Technology at Hertie School of Governance in Berlin.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Public engagements ==
|
||||
Bryson's research has appeared in Science and on Reddit. She has consulted The Red Cross on autonomous weapons and contributed to an All Party Parliamentary Group on Artificial Intelligence.
|
||||
In 2022, Bryson published an article for Wired magazine titled "One Day, AI Will Seem as Human as Anyone. What Then?". In the article, she discussed the current limits of and future of AI, how the general public define and think about AI, and how AI interacts with people via language and touches upon the topics of natural language processing, ethics and Human-computer interaction. Bryson also discusses the recent EU AI Act.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== Honors and awards ==
|
||||
In 2017, Bryson won an Outstanding Achievement award from Cognition X. She regularly appears in national media, talking about human-robot relationships and the ethics of AI. In 2025, Bryson was one of the awardees of Doctorats Honoris Causa by UCLouvain in celebration of the university's 600th anniversary.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
== References ==
|
||||
55
data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharon_Beder-0.md
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---
|
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title: "Sharon Beder"
|
||||
chunk: 1/1
|
||||
source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharon_Beder"
|
||||
category: "reference"
|
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tags: "science, encyclopedia"
|
||||
date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:22:28.332968+00:00"
|
||||
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|
||||
---
|
||||
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Sharon Beder is an environmentalist and former professor in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Wollongong in New South Wales, Australia. Her research has focused on how power relationships are maintained and challenged, particularly by corporations and professions. She has written 11 books, and many articles, book chapters and conference papers, as well as designing teaching resources and educational websites.
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== Early life and family ==
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Beder was born in 1956 in Wellington, New Zealand, granddaughter of Jewish immigrants from Scotland, England and eastern Europe, before the second world war, and daughter of Jacqui and Yoss Beder.
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== Education ==
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Beder initially trained and worked as a civil engineer in New Zealand before becoming interested in the social, political and philosophical aspects of engineering and then environmental politics. She completed a PhD in Science and Technology Studies at the University of New South Wales in 1989 based on research into the process of engineering decision-making using a case study on the development of Sydney's sewerage system.
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== Appointments ==
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Before joining the University of Wollongong in 1992, Beder was Environmental Education Co-ordinator at the University of Sydney. She has also been Chairperson of the Environmental Engineering Branch of the Institution of Engineers, Sydney, President of the Society for Social Responsibility in Engineering, and a director of the Earth Foundation Australia.
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== Awards ==
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Beder was included in a list of "Australia's most influential engineers", published by Engineers Australia in 2004. She was also included in Bulletin Magazine's "Smart 100" in 2003. Her awards include:
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High Commendation for IEAust Award for Cultural Change in Engineering Education, 1998
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Michael Daley Prize for Excellence in Science, Technology and Engineering Journalism, 1992
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Commonwealth Postgraduate Award, 1985-1988
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=== Books ===
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Beder, Sharon. (1989). Toxic Fish and Sewer Surfing. (Allen & Unwin, Sydney)
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Beder, Sharon. (1996). The Nature of Sustainable Development. (Scribe Publications, Melbourne)
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Beder, Sharon. (1998). The New Engineer: Management and Professional Responsibility in a Changing World. (Macmillan, Melbourne)
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Beder, Sharon. (1997). Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism (Green Books, Devon, UK, October 1997, 2nd edition – May 2002, ISBN 1-903998-09-3)
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Beder, Sharon (2000). Selling the work ethic: From puritan pulpit to corporate PR. Australia: Scribe Publications. ISBN 0-908011-48-2.
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Beder, Sharon (2003). Power Play: The fight for control of the world's electricity. Australia: Scribe Publications. ISBN 0-908011-97-0.
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Beder, Sharon. (2006). Environmental Principles and Policies (UNSW Press, Sydney, Australia Paperback, ISBN 978-0-86840-857-6, Publication date: September 2006) & EARTHSCAN, London, UK Paperback, ISBN 978-1-84407-404-4, Publication date: October 2006).
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Beder, Sharon. (2006). Suiting Themselves: How Corporations Drive the Global Agenda. (Earthscan, London)
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Beder, Sharon. (2006). Free Market Missionaries: The Corporate Manipulation of Community Values. (Earthscan, London)
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Beder, Sharon. (2009). This Little Kiddy Went to Market: The Corporate Capture of Childhood. (Pluto Press, London)
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Beder, Sharon. (2022). Nellie-Roo: The Orphan Joey. (Wildlife Storybooks)
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== See also ==
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Dioxin controversy
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Marine Outfall
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Deregulation
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== Reference Notes ==
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