From 7ca1ae39f27947c5410fffe13889382c96213511 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: turtle89431 Date: Mon, 4 May 2026 20:05:14 -0700 Subject: [PATCH] Scrape wikipedia-science: 336 new, 4 updated, 357 total (kb-cron) --- _index.db | Bin 1974272 -> 2027520 bytes .../wiki/Laboratory_Life-0.md | 22 +++++++++ .../wiki/Laboratory_Life-1.md | 19 ++++++++ .../wiki/Laboratory_Life-2.md | 37 ++++++++++++++ data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lands_Beyond-0.md | 41 ++++++++++++++++ .../wiki/Lexicon_Technicum-0.md | 41 ++++++++++++++++ .../wiki/Life_Science_Library-0.md | 46 ++++++++++++++++++ .../wiki/Life_and_Energy-0.md | 31 ++++++++++++ .../wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-0.md | 15 ++++++ .../wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-1.md | 16 ++++++ .../wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-2.md | 15 ++++++ data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loimologia-0.md | 40 +++++++++++++++ .../wiki/Longitude_(book)-0.md | 25 ++++++++++ .../wiki/Longitude_(book)-1.md | 38 +++++++++++++++ .../wiki/Magia_Naturalis-0.md | 42 ++++++++++++++++ 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z18H9S5D>5gJ}K%c((~8~CY%Q*0E5}!h$tZE>4ZnbZgMaqw+0iwllBJigBDd-_a1(#MRTe-{6vMUHY%VS;f_h0Sq)D#RMaQBe88J!BZr0n zc=*jl#YuAJde0;wYb>MMLBsd1{>FQ*fA%+RYZJtUG(Mo6|I7-7z6*ta}QaH)Y>rWTZTBK zM&lhZ&KgDDWJ3P1QP{Hdjjl1ldZRH|#2}gD`4Vhn_(3Jg`!W111{^)njGIoz z;$X~(`Hlx^mqB)co51g4pdo%#BZX&D_$3VdJ`(~O;&G@Ah-~2dDlfVQyw?vR5``^E3XC4lJ^!MCHKXkKM`;qy6_9yZG57iIRpa1{> diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..b289c17cf --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,22 @@ +--- +title: "Laboratory Life" +chunk: 1/3 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:04.286555+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts is a 1979 book by sociologists of science Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar. +This influential book in the field of science studies presents an anthropological study of Roger Guillemin's scientific laboratory at the Salk Institute. It advances a number of observations regarding how scientific work is conducted, including descriptions of the complex relationship between the routine lab practices performed by scientists, the publication of papers, scientific prestige, research finances and other elements of laboratory life. +The book is considered to be one of the most influential works in the laboratory studies tradition within science and technology studies (STS). It is inspired by but not entirely dependent on the ethnomethodological approach. In turn, it served as the inspiration for actor–network theory (or ANT); many of ANT's core concepts (like transcription, inscription, translation, and the deployment of networks) are present in Laboratory Life. + +== Introduction and Methodology == +Latour and Woolgar state that their work "concerns the way in which the daily activities of working scientists lead to the construction of scientific facts" (pp. 32). Laboratory Life therefore stands in opposition to the study of scandalous moments in which the so-called "normal" operation of science was disrupted by external forces. In contrast, Latour and Woolgar give an account of a how scientific facts are produced in a laboratory in situ, or as it happens. + +== An Anthropologist Visits the Laboratory == +The initial methodology of Laboratory Life involves an "anthropological strangeness" (40) in which the laboratory is a tribe foreign to the researcher. The study of the lab begins with a semi-fictionalized account of an ignorant observer who knows nothing of laboratories or scientists. In this account, Latour and Woolgar "bracket" (44) their previous knowledge of scientific practice and ironically ask seemingly-nonsensical questions about observed practices in the laboratory, such as "Are the heated debates in front of the blackboard part of some gambling contest?" In the asking and answering of these questions, the observer's understanding of laboratory practices is gradually refined, leading to a strong focus on the significance of paper documents. +The observer soon recognizes that all the scientists and technicians in the lab write in some fashion, and that few activities in the lab are not connected to some sort of transcription or inscription. The foreign observer describes the laboratory as "strange tribe" of "compulsive and manic writers ... who spend the greatest part of their day coding, marking, altering, correcting, reading, and writing" (48-9). Large and expensive laboratory equipment (such as bioassays or mass spectrometers) are interpreted as "inscription device[s]" that have the sole purpose of "transform[ing] a material substance into a figure or diagram" (51). In this way, the observer works to organize and systematize the laboratory such that it "began to take on the appearance of a system of literary inscription" (52). +Having concluded that the "production of papers" for publication in a scientific journal is the primary focus of a laboratory, the observer next aims to "consider papers as objects in much the same way as manufactured goods" (71). This involves asking how papers are produced, what their constituent elements (or raw materials) are, and why these papers are so important. First, the authors recognize that in papers, "some statements appeared more fact-like than others" (76). From this observation, a five-element continuum of facticity is constructed, which spans from type 5 statements which are taken for granted to type 1 statements which are unqualified speculations, with various intermediate levels in between. The conclusion reached is that statements in a laboratory routinely travel up and down this continuum, and the main purpose of a laboratory is to take statements of one level of facticity and transform them to another level. +However, Latour and Woolgar recognize that this semi-fictionalized account of an ignorant observer aiming to systematize the alien laboratory has several problems. While the observer's rich descriptions of activity in the lab are taken as accurate, the observer has not established that the interpretation of this data in terms of literary inscription is exhaustive or the only way in which laboratory life can be analyzed. In the authors' words, the observer's account is not "immune from all possibility of future qualification" (88). \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-1.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-1.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..89d0d5bf6 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-1.md @@ -0,0 +1,19 @@ +--- +title: "Laboratory Life" +chunk: 2/3 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:04.286555+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +== The Construction of a Fact: The Case of TRF(H) == +The next chapter aims at giving a precise account of the way in which this process operates with respect to a single scientific fact: the peptide TRF(H). This historical account, which Latour and Woolgar admit is, like all histories, a "necessarily literary fiction" (107), has the ostensible purpose of qualifying the initial account given by the observer. To this end, the chapter focuses on the specific way in which TRF(H) was constructed as a fact, describing how one scientist, Guillemin, "redefine[d] the TRF subspecialty solely in terms of determining the structure of the substance" (119). As sequencing TRF(H) required far more sophisticated equipment and techniques than merely determining its physiological effects, Guillemin raised the cost of entry to this field and cut his potential competitors by three-fourths. +The authors next claim that the fact regarding TRF(H)'s structure progressed by decreases in the number of "'logically' possible alternatives" (146). However, Latour and Woolgar critique the explanation that "logic" or "deduction" is a satisfactory and complete explanation for the specific way in which a scientific fact is constructed. Instead, as their historical account of TRF(H) shows, the "list of possible alternatives by which we can evaluate the logic of a deduction is sociologically (rather than logically) determined" (136). Specifically, the material, technical, and human resources of a laboratory affected what kinds of challenges and counter-facts could be constructed and formulated, leading Latour and Woolgar to later conclude that "the set of statements considered too costly to modify constitute what is referred to as reality" (243). +In the previous section, Latour and Woolgar used a semi-fictional observer to describe the laboratory as a literary system in which mere statements are turned into facts and vice versa. The most sound and established facts were those statements which could be divorced from their contingent circumstances. The authors next aim to interrogate how this process operates on a very small and specific scale by looking at how this process operated with respect to the molecule TRF(H), whose molecular structure went through various stages of facticity both in and out of the laboratory Latour studied. In this section, Latour and Woolgar aim to "specify the precise time and place in the process of fact construction when a statement became transformed into a fact and hence freed from the circumstances of its production" (105). +Instead of trying to construct a "precise chronology" of what "really happened," in the field, they aim to demonstrate how "a hard fact can be sociologically deconstructed" (107) by showing how it emerged in what they call a network. A network is "a set of positions within which an object such as TRF has meaning" (107), and they recognize that TRF only has meaning within certain networks. For example, outside of the network of post-1960s endocrinology, TRF is "an unremarkable white powder" (108), which leads to the claim that a "well-established fact loses its meaning when divorced from its context" (110). Latour and Woolgar stress that "to say that TRF is constructed is not to deny its solidity as a fact. Rather, it is to emphasize how, where, and why it was created" (127). + +== The Microprocessing of Facts == +This chapter turns back from grander historical accounts to the micro details of laboratory life. Through analysis of the conversations and discussions between scientists at the lab, it shows that the grander notion of science as a debate of contrasting ideas influences actual scientists only through social mechanisms. Instead of attempting to do their studies more carefully to be sure they get the right answer, scientists appear to only use as much care as they think will be necessary to defeat the counterarguments of their detractors and get the acclamation they desire for their work. +It also notes that the stories scientists tell about the history of their field often omit social and institutional factors in favor of "moment of discovery" narratives. For example, one scientist tells this story: \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-2.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-2.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..496da3959 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life-2.md @@ -0,0 +1,37 @@ +--- +title: "Laboratory Life" +chunk: 3/3 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laboratory_Life" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:04.286555+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Slovik proposed an assay but his assay did not work everywhere; people could not repeat it; some could, some could not. Then one day Slovik got the idea that it could be related to the selenium content in the water: they checked to see where the assay worked; and indeed, Slovik's idea was right, it worked wherever the selenium content of water was high. (169) +This story is contrasted with another story based on interviews with the participants: The University of California required that graduate students get credits in a field totally unrelated to their own. Sara, one of Slovik's students, fulfilled this requirement by taking selenium studies, since it had a vague relation to her major. Graduate students had a tradition of informal seminars where they discussed these unrelated classes. At one meeting, Sara presented a paper on the effects of Selenium on cancer and noted that someone on campus proposed that the geographical distribution of selenium content in water might correlate with the geographical distribution of cancer rates. Slovik was at the meeting and thought that this might explain the geographical difference in his assay working. He phoned a colleague to tell him the idea and ask him to test the selenium in the water. +One story says merely that Slovik "got the idea"—the other notes that institutions (the University, grad student meetings) and other people (Sara, the colleague) provided key pieces of the inspiration. +The chapter closes by arguing that scientists do not simply use their inscription devices to discover already-existing entities. Instead, they project new entities out of the analysis of their inscriptions. Statements to the effect that "it's amazing they were able to discover it" only make sense when one ignores the arduous process to construct the discovery out of the inscriptions available. Similarly, justifications that the discovery is valid because it works well outside the laboratory are fallacious. Any claims as to whether a new substance like TRF works are only valid in a laboratory context (or its extension) -- the only way one can know that the substance is actually TRF (and thus that TRF is working) is through laboratory analysis. However, the authors stress that they are not relativists—they simply believe that the social causes of statements should be investigated. + +== Cycles of Credit == +Scientists frequently explain their choice of field by referring to curves of interest and development, as in "peptide chemistry [is] tapering off ... but now ... this is the future, molecular biology, and I knew that this lab would move faster to this new area" (191). Desire for credit appears to only be a secondary phenomenon; instead a kind of "credibility capital" seems to be the driving motive. In a case study, they show one scientist sequentially choosing a school, a field, a professor to study under, a specialty to get expertise in, and a research institution to work at, by maximizing and reinvesting this credibility (i.e. ability to do science), despite not having received much in the way of credit (e.g. awards, recognition). +Four examples: (a) X threatens to fire Ray if his assay fails, (b) a number of scientists flood into a field with theories after a successful experiment then leave when new evidence disproves their theories, (c) Y supports the results of "a big shot in his field" when others question them in order to receive invitations to meetings from the big shot where Y can meet new people, (d) K dismisses some of L's results on the grounds that "good people" won't believe them unless the level of noise is reduced (as opposed to K thinking them unreliable himself). +The credibility of a scientist and their results is largely seen as identical. "For a working scientist, the most vital question is not 'Did I repay my debt in the form of recognition because of the good paper he wrote?' but 'Is he reliable enough to be believed? Can I trust him/his claim? Is he going to provide me with hard facts?'" (202) CVs are the major way this credibility is proven and career trajectories are the story of its use. Technicians and minor leaguers, by contrast, do not accumulate capital but instead are paid a "salary" by major leaguers. + +== Editions == +English +1979. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. ISBN 0-8039-0993-4. +(online preview), Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986, ISBN 0-691-09418-7, OCLC 4775088, retrieved 9 October 2010. Paperback{{citation}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link) ISBN 0-691-02832-X. +The preface to the second edition (1986) reads: + +"The most substantial change to the first edition is the addition of an extended postscript in which we set out some of the reactions to the book's first publication in the light of developments in the social study of science since 1979. The postscript also explains the omission of the term "social" from this edition's new subtitle." +So social construction becomes just construction of scientific facts. This change indicates a shift from social constructivism to Actor-network theory, which leaves more room for the non-social or 'natural' (albeit in a non-naturalistic / non-essentialist sense). + +French +1988. La Vie de laboratoire : la Production des faits scientifiques, Paris: La Découverte. ISBN 2-7071-4848-2, OCLC 19298021. + +== See also == +Politics of nature +Science in Action (book) +Aramis, or the Love of Technology +We Have Never Been Modern \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lands_Beyond-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lands_Beyond-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..f57f465ea --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lands_Beyond-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,41 @@ +--- +title: "Lands Beyond" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lands_Beyond" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:05.529651+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Lands Beyond is a study of geographical myths by L. Sprague de Camp and Willy Ley, first published in hardcover by Rinehart in 1952, and reissued by Barnes & Noble in 1993. It has been translated into French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian. It was the winner of the 1953 International Fantasy Award for nonfiction. + + +== Contents == +Introduction +Chapter I. The Land of Longing +Chapter II. The Long Homecoming +Chapter III. The Fabulous Feast +Chapter IV. The Sea of Sindbad +Chapter V. The Land of Prester John +Chapter VI. The Mislaid Tribes +Chapter VII. The Great Dream +Chapter VIII. The Western Ocean +Chapter IX. Golden Men and Amazons +Chapter X. The Shape of the Earth +Epilogue +Bibliography +Index + + +== Reception == +New York Times columnist Charles Poore placed Lands Beyond on his annual list of books recommended for Christmas giving. Kirkus Reviews recommended it as "a zestful geographical round-up which combines fact, legend and literature in equally interested parts". +Boucher and McComas praised the book, saying it was "written with scholarly authority, literary grace, and an amusedly tolerant exposition of error, to make one of the season's most enjoyable items." New Worlds reviewer Leslie Flood described it as “fascinating”. Weird Tales commended Lands Beyond to its audience, saying de Camp and Ley "ably treated" their subjects "for reader enjoyment". George O. Smith wrote that it was "a book good for the younger and more impressionable to read, because it reduces to the realm of practicality many of the fabulous mysteries of the past, thus stripping the glamorous Long-Ago of its false superiority". + + +== References == + + +== External links == +Book review by Mark Olson +Book review by Chris Winter \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexicon_Technicum-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexicon_Technicum-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..fa83fdd22 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexicon_Technicum-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,41 @@ +--- +title: "Lexicon Technicum" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexicon_Technicum" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:06.681561+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Lexicon Technicum: or, An Universal English Dictionary of Arts and Sciences: Explaining not only the Terms of Art, but the Arts Themselves was in many respects the first alphabetical encyclopedia written in English, compiled by John Harris, with the first volume published in 1704 and the second in 1710. Although the emphasis of the Lexicon Technicum was on mathematical subjects, its contents go beyond what would be called science or technology today, in conformity with the broad eighteenth century understanding of the terms "arts" and "science," and it includes entries on the humanities and fine arts, notably on law, commerce, music, and heraldry. However, the Lexicon Technicum neglects theology, antiquity, biography, and poetry. + + +== Overview == +The Lexicon Technicum was the work of a London clergyman, John Harris (1666-1719). Its professed advantage over French dictionaries of the arts and sciences was that it contained explanation not only of the terms used in the arts and sciences, but also of the arts and sciences themselves. Harris issued a three-page proposal for this work in 1702, and the first edition of the first volume was published in London in 1704. The first volume contains 1220 pages, 4 plates, and many additional diagrams and figures within the text. Like many early English encyclopedias, the pages are not numbered; numbering may have been thought unnecessary as readers could search by its alphabetical arrangement. +Volume 2, which was also alphabetized from A through Z, was first published in 1710. The second volume contains 1419 pages and 4 plates, with a list of about 1300 subscribers. A previously unpublished treatise on acids by Sir Isaac Newton was included in its original Latin along with Harris's English translation, perhaps without the latter's permission or encouragement. A large part of the volume consists of mathematical and astronomical tables, since Harris intended his work to serve as a small mathematical library. He provided tables of logarithms, sines, tangents, and secants, a two-page list of books, and an index of the articles in both volumes under 26 heads, filling 50 pages. The longest lists are for law (1700 articles), surgery, anatomy, geometry, fortification, botany, and music. +In his preface, Harris stated that he got less help from previous dictionaries than one would expect. While acknowledging some borrowing, Harris insisted that "much the greater part of what [the reader] will find here is collected from no Dictionaries, but from the best Original Authors I could procure." Harris's preface touted his coverage of mathematical subjects. He admitted the imperfection of his data on stars, noting that Flamsteed had refused to assist him, but he vaunted his coverage of astronomy, especially his full coverage of Newton's theories of the moon and of comets. In botany he claimed to have given "a pretty exact botanick lexicon, which was what we really wanted before," using Dr John Ray's method. To describe the parts of a ship accurately, he supposedly "often" went on board himself. In law, he wrote, he abridged from the best writers and had the result "carefully examined and corrected by a Gentleman of known Ability in that Profession." +The specified aims of the book did not prevent Harris from including some highly opinionated asides, for example this definition conveying the poor view he took of lawyers: "Sollicitor, is a Man imploy'd to take care of, and follow Suits depending in Courts of Law, or Equity, formerly allowed only to Nobility, whose Menial Servants they were; but now too frequently used by others, to the damage of the People, and the increase of Champerty and Maintenance". +Harris wrote that he had wished to supply an index for each art and science as well as more plates on anatomy and ships, but the underwriters could not afford it, "the Book having swelled so very much beyond the Expectation." +A review of this work, extending to the unusual length of four pages, appeared in the Philosophical Transactions for 1704. +The Lexicon Technicum was long very popular, enduring through at least 1744 as the main rival of Ephraim Chambers's Cyclopaedia. The final publication of the two volumes of the Lexicum Technicum was in 1736. An anonymous one-volume supplement did appear in 1744, with 996 pages and 6 plates, but this work was allegedly "not well received," being perceived by contemporaries as a mere "booksellers speculation." In any case, no new editions of the Lexicon Technicum were published thereafter. + + +== Publication history == +Unlike most multi-volume works, the several editions of volumes 1 and 2 were not synchronized until 1736. The first volume appeared in five editions, while the second volume appeared only in three editions. The first edition of volume 1 appeared in 1704; the second edition in 1708, the third edition in 1716, and the fourth edition in 1725. In contrast, the first edition of volume 2 appeared in 1710, and the second edition did not appear until 1723. The two volumes were not published together until 1736, constituting the fifth edition of the first volume and the third edition of the second volume. The supplement of 1744 was billed as volume 3. +We do not know the names of the editors who carried on Harris's work after his death in 1719. + + +== Notes == + + +== References == +This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Encyclopaedia". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 9 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 369–382. (See p. 373.) +Bradshaw, Lael Ely, "John Harris’s Lexicon technicum," in Notable Encyclopedias of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Nine Predecessors of the Encyclopédie, ed. Frank A. Kafker (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1981), pp. 107–21. +Collison, Robert, Encyclopaedias: Their History throughout the Ages (New York: Hafner, 1966). + + +== External links == +Sample page from the 1708 edition +Lexicon technicum, or, An universal English dictionary of arts and sciences : explaining not only the terms of art, but the arts themselves Vol. 1 (2nd ed) +Lexicon technicum, or, An universal English dictionary of arts and sciences : explaining not only the terms of art, but the arts themselves Vol. 2 (2nd ed) \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_Science_Library-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_Science_Library-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..4933fa142 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_Science_Library-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,46 @@ +--- +title: "Life Science Library" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_Science_Library" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:09.039582+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +The Life Science Library is a series of hardbound books published by Time Life between 1963 and 1967. Each of the 26 volumes explores a major topic of the natural sciences at a level appropriate to an educated lay readership. In each volume, the text of each of eight chapters is followed by a "Picture Essay" illustrating the subject of the preceding chapter. They were available in a monthly subscription from Life magazine. The series explains scientific concepts in simple metaphors; for example, Albert Einstein's theory of relativity is explained in a cartoon about a spy drama involving a train traveling very close to the speed of light, probability is explained with poker hands, and the periodic table of the elements is conveyed with common household items. Although progress has overtaken much of the material in the more than 50 years since their publication, the series' explanations of basic science and the history of discovery remain valid. The consulting editors of the series are microbiologist René Dubos, physicist Henry Margenau, and physicist and novelist C. P. Snow. +Each volume was written by a primary author or authors, "and the Editors of LIFE". The volumes are: + +Matter (1963), by Ralph E. Lapp +Energy (1963), by Mitchell Wilson +Mathematics (1963), by David Bergamini +The Body (1964), by Alan E. Nourse +The Cell (1964), by John E. Pfeiffer +The Scientist (1964), by Henry Margenau and David Bergamini +Machines (1964), by Robert O'Brien +Man and Space (1964), by Arthur C. Clarke +The Mind (1964), by John Rowan Wilson +Sound and Hearing (1965), by S. S. Stevens and Fred Warshofsky +Ships (1965), by Edward V. Lewis and Robert O'Brien +Flight (1965), by H. Guyford Stever and James J. Haggerty +Growth (1965), by James M. Tanner and Gordon Rattray Taylor +Health and Disease (1965), by René Dubos and Maya Pines +Weather (1965), by Philip D. Thompson and Robert O'Brien +Planets (1966), by Carl Sagan and Jonathan Norton Leonard +The Engineer (1966), by C.C. Furnas and Joe McCarthy +Time (1966), by Samuel A. Goudsmit and Robert Claiborne +Water (1966), by Luna B. Leopold and Kenneth S. Davis +Giant Molecules (1966), by Herman F. Mark +Light and Vision (1966), by Conrad G. Mueller and Mae Rudolph +Food and Nutrition (1967), by William H. Sebrell, Jr and James J. Haggerty +The Physician (1967), by Russel V. Lee and Sarel Eimerl +Drugs (1967), by Walter Modell and Alfred Lansing +Wheels (1967), by Ezra Bowen +A Guide to Science and Index to the LIFE Science Library (1967) + + +== See also == +Life Nature Library + + +== References == \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_and_Energy-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_and_Energy-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..3f205b1af --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_and_Energy-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,31 @@ +--- +title: "Life and Energy" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_and_Energy" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:07.915236+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Life and Energy is a 1962 book by Isaac Asimov. It is about the biological and physical world, and their contrasts and comparisons. Thus the book is divided into two sections, which is separated by further sub-sections (i.e. chapters): 1) energy; 2) body. In order to accomplish its goal, the book starts with "layman" discussions about energy and how these can be used to single out human from other living systems, or even living systems from non-living matter, what differentiates a rock from an oyster, and finishes with advanced concepts, how living systems are able to "produce" energy. + + +== First Chapters: Energy == +The first chapters covers the common questions of the distinctions between living and inanimate objects. + + +== Following Chapters == +Asimov then explains in a step by step manner about the physical world first through slow, but interesting chapters. He writes about the effect and major role of the evolution and advance of man by fire and heat, he tells about thermodynamics (and its laws), he recollects the thoughts of previous scientists, and their painstaking works, and finally, the quantum theory and radiation, which has revolutionised physics and technology. An explanation of electricity and basic chemistry laws and features are also included. +The physical section ends here, and continues into biology. He now continues on with special chemistry, and leaves behind physics. From this, the book leads into the functions of enzymes, amino acids, cells, the body as a whole, and the process of the cells and organs to work together to become one. + + +== Publication == +Life and Energy (1962) ISBN 0-380-00942-0 + + +== References == + + +== External links == +Book review \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..4406ce5bd --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +--- +title: "Little Science, Big Science" +chunk: 1/3 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:10.153678+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Little Science, Big Science is a book of collected lectures given by Derek J. De Solla Price, first published in 1963. The book presents the 1962 Brookhaven National Laboratory Pegram Lectures, a series of lectures dedicated to discussing science and its place in society. Price's goal in the lectures is to outline what it may look like for science to be analysed scientifically, by applying methods of measuring, hypothesizing, and deriving to science itself. With this goal in mind, he sets out to define quasi-mathematically how the shape and size of science has shifted from "small science" to "big science" in a historical and sociological way. Price presents a quantification of science as a measurable entity via an analogy to thermodynamics, conceptualizing science like a gas with individual molecules possessing individual velocities and interactions, a total volume, and general properties or laws. + +== Prologue to a Science of Science == +Price begins the lectures by setting forth a demarcation in science centered around the modern period. He describes the phenomenon that, at the time of the lectures, 80 to 90 percent of important scientific work had occurred in one normal human life span. With this facet in mind, he sets out to describe the development of the term "Big Science," as coined by Alvin M. Weinberg in 1961. As a general directive, he seeks to show that the transition from "Little Science" to "Big Science," specifically the socio-economic and methodological changes to science in the 20th century, have been mostly gradual. To illustrate this point, he presents empirical statistical evidence from various aspects and fields of science, all of which show that the mode of growth of science is exponential, growing at compound interest. This assertion Price claims is the "fundamental law of any analysis of science," stating that it even holds accurately over long time periods. With this fundamental law in mind, he states that for general measures the size of science in manpower or number of publications doubles in size every 10 to 15 years. If this rate of expansion is considered broadly, then from the 1600s until now such size measures of science have increased by a factor of 106. From this observation, Price moves to describe the "coefficient of immediacy:" the number of scientists alive compared to the number of scientists who have ever been, a ratio or percentage he states as 7:8 and 87.5% respectively. This measure serves to show numerically how the majority of important science has taken place within the average human life span at the time of the lecture presentation. As a result of the consistent exponential growth rate and immediacy of science, the statement that the majority of scientists throughout history are alive at any given moment must be consistent throughout history as well, meaning that in 1700 the majority of all scientists ever were alive, true also for 1800 and 1900 and so on. As a result of this facet, Price states that science has been constantly exploding into the population, increasing its size at a rate faster than the increase of total humans able to conduct it. +However, Price asserts that this exponential growth rate cannot simply explain the transition from "Little Science" to "Big Science," as the constant growth would not make the modern period under question any more likely to produce "Big Science" than any other. He conjectures that two statistical phenomena hold true for science generally, that individual metrics of science may grow at rates different from that of the exponential growth, and that the exponential growth rate may be starting to diminish. In response to his second point, he claims that the normal exponential growth may give way to a logistic growth rate, growing exponentially until it reaches a maximum size and then ceasing to grow. The possibility that science follows a rate of growth modeled by a logistic curve is suggested further by the fact that if science had continued to grow at an exponential rate in 1962, then by now there would be more scientists than people. With his claim that the growth rate actually observes a logistic curve, he provides a second basic law of the analysis of science, namely that the exponential growth rates previously mentioned must be in fact logistic. If this claim is correct, then the exponential growth rate previously observed must break down at a point in the future, and Price implies as a conclusion to this section that the onset of this breakdown may be associated with an upper bound to the size of science brought on by "Big Science." \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-1.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-1.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..73a1968bb --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-1.md @@ -0,0 +1,16 @@ +--- +title: "Little Science, Big Science" +chunk: 2/3 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:10.153678+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +== Galton Revisited == +In this chapter, Price suggests various ideas and methods about conducting a science of science, or scientometrics, by first narrating some peculiar contributions to statistics made by Francis Galton. His overall goal is to further the possibility of applying scientific methods to science itself by suggesting various metrics and measures of the size, growth rate, and distribution of science. He focuses on Galton's work concerning the distribution of high achieving scientists and statesmen in the upper echelons of British society, specifically Hereditary Genius and English Men of Science. These works are reviewed with the goal of understanding a basic metric for the number of people or papers in science that reach different levels of quality, an idea basic in Price's formulation of scientometrics. Further, he suggests that understanding such a metric would allow predictions to be made of science and scientists when changes associated with Big Science arrive. Galton's original approach was to estimate the distribution of high achieving practitioners of science among the eminent parts of British society, and Price takes this as a starting step in grasping a scientific metric of the productivity of science. In analyzing Galton's work and the work of another statistics researcher, Alfred J. Lotka, Price suggests that there may be a rough inverse-square law of productivity. Price moves next to define a quantity he calls someone's "solidness" s, as the logarithm of the total papers published in one scientist's life. Keeping in mind the previous productivity law, for each unit increase in a scientist's solidness, the total number of scientists of that solidness decreases at a constant rate. With these two observations, among others, Price asserts that the foundations for an econometric-like study of science have been suggested, with the analysis of time series suggesting exponential or logistic growth and the distribution law of scientific productivity comprising them. He concludes by suggesting that these distributions and analyses contain errors relating to the non-uniform distribution of scientists across populations, noting that they tend to congregate in certain fields, institutions, countries, and journals. In keeping with his gas analogy, he maintains that just as one cannot measure the exact positions and velocities of gas molecules, one cannot pinpoint the exact productivity or contribution levels of individual scientists within science. + +== Invisible Colleges and the Affluent Scientific Commuter == +This chapter serves multiple purposes but overall achieves the same goal as the previous, providing a further conception of the productivity measure in science. This conclusion is reached through defining historically, sociologically, and from a communications perspective what a scientific paper is for, specifically what the purpose of this form of scientific communication is. To begin this analysis, he begins by looking at the history of the scientific paper, tracing its original purpose to discovering what was of interest within scientific practice. With the emergence of this scientific social practice, seen not as a means of publishing new knowledge but of communication between practitioners, the process of situating papers within the general body of literature came in to play. Specifically, each scientific paper is built from the foundation created by all previous papers, and with this facet exists a possibility of quantifying this foundation, the citation of references. With the idea that scientific papers were a social device of scientific communication, Price suggests that the driving force behind their emergent usage was the ability to assert and claim intellectual property within science. The possibility of communicating priority in disputes over scientific discoveries promoted the scientific paper as the best means of communication, leaving the information dissemination quality of papers as incidental in their overall purpose. With the quantification of scientific productivity by citation number and rate, there arrives a metric in science that gives the scientific importance of an individual's work or journal as its total usage within scientific practice, its total citations or references in other papers or journals. With this in mind, Price observes the fact that the total number of scientific references at a specific date across science is proportional to the total literature available within science at that date. +Moving from the ability of scientific papers to facilitate communication and interactions between scientists, Price outlines an idea that allows further maximization of interactions between scientists. His term for this organizational method is the "invisible college," specifically the circuit of institutions, research centers, journals, and conferences that allow intermingling and interactions within specific fields of science. Groups of scientists naturally form as a result of collaborations between individuals focusing on similar problems, but the ability for researchers to move around the globe in order to achieve interpersonal relationships with their fellow researchers is what Price suggests maximizes the group size able to keep up regular productive interactions. Thus Price defines the sociological structure of scientific practice communicating through published papers. \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-2.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-2.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..0692d227d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science-2.md @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +--- +title: "Little Science, Big Science" +chunk: 3/3 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Science,_Big_Science" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:10.153678+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +== Political Strategy for Big Scientists == +The final section of the lectures focuses on a larger-picture analysis of science and the monetary trends within it. As a general first statement, Price proposes that the cost of science has been increasing proportional to the square of the number of scientists. He points out that the cost of research in terms of the GDP did not increase in the years preceding World War II, yet afterward began increasing at the rate previously mentioned. As research amounts increase, the current and necessary number of researchers increases, promoting the inducement of scientists with higher salaries and better facilities in turn increasing the overall costs of science. Price suggests that it is this feedback loop that is a potential decelerator for the growth of science, and the main difference between Little Science and Big Science. What follows is his analysis of the "explosion of science" within non-developed countries, specifically Japan. He shows through this analysis that the United States' lack of experience of this explosion of science within the 20th century up to this point is due to the saturation of society with the activities of science, nearing costs not maintainable by the country. In countries where science has not yet reached an exponential growth curve, this saturation is not present, which allows the growth rate to set out at an exponential pace. +The final conceptual measure that Price offers is the idea of the "mavericity" of a scientist, or the likelihood that an individual will test new and unique combinations of theories and experiments unexpected in the current literature. The reactions and interactions within science to this mavericity also characterizes Big Science over Little Science, where the former serves to limit and restrain the most maverick investigators due to collaborative work and specific directed goals for scientific research. Thus the emergence of Big Science not only influences the growth rate, connectedness, and significance of science, but also the individual facets of the scientific pursuit. + +== References == \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loimologia-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loimologia-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..f0fdfd76f --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loimologia-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,40 @@ +--- +title: "Loimologia" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loimologia" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:11.249765+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Loimologia, or, an historical Account of the Plague in London in 1665, With precautionary Directions against the like Contagion is a treatise by Dr. Nathaniel Hodges (1629–1688), originally published in London in Latin (Loimologia, sive, Pestis nuperæ apud populum Londinensem grassantis narratio historica) in 1672; an English translation was later published in London in 1720. The treatise provides a first-hand account of the Great Plague of London; it has been described as the best medical record of the epidemic. + + +== Hodges' records of treatments == +While most physicians fled the city, including the renowned Thomas Sydenham, and Sir Edward Alston, president of the Royal College of Physicians, Hodges was one of the few physicians who remained in the city during 1665, to record observations and test the effectiveness of treatments against the plague. The book also contains statistics on the victims in each parish. + + +== Additions in the 1720 edition == +The English translation (1720) was released while a plague was spreading throughout Marseilles, and people in England were fearful of another disease outbreak. To this 1720 edition was added An essay on the different causes of pestilential diseases, and how they become contagious; with remarks on the infection now in France, and the most probable means to prevent its spreading here, by John Quincy. + + +== Impact == +Loimologia was one of the sources used by Daniel Defoe when writing A Journal of the Plague Year (1722). + + +== Excerpts == +Although the Soldiery retreated from the Field of Death, and encamped out of the City, the Contagion followed, and vanquish'd them; many in their Old Age, and others in their Prime, sunk under its cruelties; of the Female Sex most died; and hardly any children escaped; and it was not uncommon to see an Inheritance pass successively to three or four Heirs in as many Days; the Number of Sextons were not sufficient to bury the Dead. + + +== References == + + +== Further reading == +Poore, George Vivian (1889). London (ancient and Modern) from the Sanitary and Medical Point of View. Cassell. p. 256. ISBN 978-1-4460-1660-2. {{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) +Hodges, Nathaniel (1721). Loimologia. Text at Internet Archive + + +== External links == + + Loimologia at Project Gutenberg \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..36b4dab15 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +--- +title: "Longitude (book)" +chunk: 1/2 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:12.463460+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Longitude: The True Story of a Lone Genius Who Solved the Greatest Scientific Problem of His Time is a 1995 best-selling book by Dava Sobel about John Harrison, an 18th-century clockmaker who created the first clock (chronometer) sufficiently accurate to be used to determine longitude at sea—an important development in navigation. The book was made into a television series entitled Longitude. In 1998, The Illustrated Longitude was published, supplementing the earlier text with 180 images of characters, events, instruments, maps and publications. + +== Problem of longitude == +Determining longitude on land was fairly easy compared to the task at sea. A stable surface to work from, known coordinates to refer to, a sheltered environment for the unstable chronometers of the day, and the ability to repeat determinations over time made for great accuracy. +For calculating longitude at sea however, early ocean navigators had to rely on dead reckoning, or if in sight of land, coastal navigation, which involves triangulating several bearings of the same land feature from different positions. Once out of sight of land, longitude became impossible to calculate, which sometimes led to tragedies in stormy or foggy conditions. +In order to deal with not being able to calculate longitude, captains would sail to the known latitude of their destination, and follow the line of constant latitude home. This was known as running down a westing if westbound, or easting if eastbound. In Farley Mowat's book Westviking, he gives examples from the Norse Sagas of Vikings using this practice to sail reliably from Norway to the Faroes, then Iceland, then Greenland, then North America, and then back to Ireland, with very primitive instruments. +Determining latitude was relatively easy in that it could be found from the altitude of the sun at noon with the aid of a table giving the sun's declination for the day. Latitude can also be determined from night sightings of Polaris, the northern pole star. +Navigating purely by latitude was of course vulnerable if the sun was clouded over at noon, and caused problems as it prevented ships from taking the most direct route, a great circle, or a route with the most favourable winds and currents, extending voyages by days or even weeks. This increased the likelihood of short rations, scurvy or starvation leading to poor health or even death for members of the crew and resultant risk to the ship. +Errors in navigation also resulted in shipwrecks. Motivated by a number of maritime disasters attributable to serious errors in reckoning position at sea, particularly spectacular disasters such as the Scilly naval disaster of 1707 which took Admiral Sir Cloudesley Shovell and four ships of his fleet, the British government established the Board of Longitude in 1714. + +"The Discovery of the Longitude is of such Consequence to Great Britain for the safety of the Navy and Merchant Ships as well as for the improvement of Trade that for want thereof many Ships have been retarded in their voyages, and many lost..." and announced the Longitude Prize "for such person or persons as shall discover the Longitude." +The prizes were to be awarded to the first person to demonstrate a practical method for determining the longitude of a ship at sea. Each prize, in increasing amounts, was for solutions of increasing accuracy. These prizes, worth millions of dollars in today's currency, motivated many to search for a solution. +Britain was not alone in the desire to solve the problem. France's King Louis XIV founded the Académie Royale des Sciences in 1666. It was charged with, among a range of scientific activities, the improvement of maps and sailing charts and advancement of the science of navigation. From 1715, the Académie offered one of the two Prix Rouillés specifically for navigation. Spain's Philip II offered a prize for the discovery of a solution to the problem of the longitude in 1567; Philip III increased the prize in 1598. Holland added to the effort with a prize offered in 1636. Navigators and scientists in most European countries were aware of the problem and were involved in finding the solution. Due to the international effort in solving the problem and the scale of the enterprise, it represents one of the largest scientific endeavours in history. + +== Knowing longitude == \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)-1.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)-1.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..ce83c938a --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)-1.md @@ -0,0 +1,38 @@ +--- +title: "Longitude (book)" +chunk: 2/2 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitude_(book)" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:12.463460+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +As Dava Sobel explains, "To know one's longitude at sea, one needs to know what time it is aboard ship and also the time at the home port or another place of known longitude—at that very same moment. The two clock times enable the navigator to convert the hour difference into geographical separation. Since the earth takes 24 hours to revolve 360 degrees, one hour marks 1/24 of a revolution or 15 degrees. And so each hour's time difference between the ship and starting point marks a progress of fifteen degrees of longitude to the east or west. +"Every day at sea, when the navigator resets his ship's clock to local noon when the sun reaches its highest point in the sky, and then consults the home port clock, every hour's discrepancy between them translates into another fifteen degrees of longitude. One degree of longitude equals four minutes of time the world over, although in terms of distance, one degree shrinks from 60.15 nautical miles or 111 km [Earth's circumference being 21,653.521 nautical miles, or 24,901.55 statute miles at the Equator], to virtually nothing at the poles. +"Precise knowledge of the hour in two different places at once—a longitude prerequisite so easily accessible today from any pair of cheap wristwatches—was utterly unattainable up to and including the era of pendulum clocks. On the deck of a rolling ship such clocks would slow down, or speed up, or stop running altogether. Normal changes of temperature encountered en route from a cold country of origin to a tropical trade zone thinned or thickened a clock's lubricating oil and made its metal parts expand or contract with equally disastrous results. A rise or fall in barometer pressure, or the subtle variations in the Earth's gravity from one latitude to another, could also cause a clock to gain or lose time." + +Before the 18th century, ocean navigators could not find an accurate way of determining longitude. A practical solution came from a gifted carpenter, John Harrison, who solved one of the most difficult problems of his time by creating an accurate chronometer. The best scientists of the time, including Sir Isaac Newton, thought it impossible. Harrison spent four decades perfecting a watch that would earn him compensation from Parliament and longitude rewards thanks to the recognition and influence of King George III of Great Britain. + +== Recognition == +British Book of the Year, 1997 +Modern Library 100 Best Nonfiction, 26th on the Readers List +American Academy of Arts and Letters Harold D. Vursell Memorial Award, 1999 +Le Prix Faubert du Coton +Il Premio del Mare Circeo +Royal Society Prizes for Science Books, 1997 (Shortlisted) +American Library Association Non-fiction Outstanding Books for the College Bound and Lifelong Learners, 1999 +American Library Association Outstanding Books for the College Bound and Lifelong Learners, Science and Technology, 2004 +In recognition for Longitude, Sobel was named as a fellow of the American Geographical Society. +Historians of science and technology have raised some criticisms of the book, particularly for its creation of heroes and villains, suggestion that astronomical and timekeeping methods of finding longitude were rivals rather than complementary, simplification of the processes of technological innovation and Anglocentrism. + +== Film adaptations == +Nova Online: Lost at Sea, the Search for Longitude +Longitude (TV series) + +== See also == + +== References == + +== External links == +Booknotes interview with Sobel on Longitude, January 17, 1999. \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magia_Naturalis-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magia_Naturalis-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..900dbc62f --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magia_Naturalis-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,42 @@ +--- +title: "Magia Naturalis" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magia_Naturalis" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:13.619621+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Magia Naturalis (in English, Natural Magic) is a work of popular science by Giambattista della Porta first published in Naples in 1558. Its popularity ensured it was republished in five Latin editions within ten years, with translations into Italian (1560), French, (1565) Dutch (1566) and English (1658) printed. +Natural Magic was revised and considerably expanded throughout the author's lifetime; its twenty books (Naples 1589) include observations upon geology, optics, medicines, poisons, cooking, metallurgy, magnetism, cosmetics, perfumes, gunpowder and invisible writing. +Natural Magic is an example of pre-Baconian science. Its sources include the ancient learning of Pliny the Elder and Theophrastus as well as numerous scientific observations made by Della Porta. + + +== Author == +Giambattista della Porta (also known as John Baptist Porta) was born in Vico Equense, Italy, between October 3rd and November 15th, 1535 and was the second of three sons. The Porta family belonged to the ancient nobility of Solerno, granting them a modest fortune until Giambattista's father, Nardo Antonio della Porta entered the service of Emperor Charles V in 1541. This allowed the family to alternate residences between Vico Equense and Naples. The nature of Giambattista's formal education is unknown. Only two of Giambattista's teachers have been identified: Antonio Pisano, a royal physician in Naples, and Domenico Pizzimenti, a translator of Democritus. It is believed that he was largely self-taught with an informal education that consisted of jovial discussions of scientific and pseudoscientific topics. Giambattista began collecting 'secrets of nature' when he was just fifteen. These secrets were eventually compiled and made into the twenty books of Natural Magic. +The Acadéemies of Naples were shut down in 1547 due to 'political intrigue' and did not reopen until 1552, just six years before the original publication of Natural Magic. Della Porta had many friends in Naples’ most prestigious academies, and he even opened one himself sometime before 1580: Accademia dei Segreti. Academics gathered in della Porta's home and discussed the 'secrets of nature'. Later in life, della Porta became associated with Rome's Accademia dei Lincei. He had a close relationship with its founder, Frederico Cesi and even wrote a compend of his family history. Porta's reputation soared in the academy and he was second only to Cesi, until the enrollment of Galileo to the academy in 1611. In the same year, della Porta was entered into Oziosi in Naples, the city's most renowned literary academy. +Natural Magic was Giambattista's first book and the one that he is best known for. It was first published as a treatise in 1558. This treatise included four books and presented 'Magiae Naturalis' as the "perfection of natural philosophy and the highest science."¹ This was the basis of the twenty book edition published in 1589. It is a remarkable culmination of the credulity and curiosity of the late Renaissance, and is the basis of Giambattista's reputation. +Della Porta did attempt to depart from the marvellous curiosities of natural magic for the study of mathematics. He was interested in optics and was a contemporary of Galileo in the development of the principles behind the telescope. In Book XVII of Natural Magic, Giambattista is the first to add a concave lens to the already invented 'camera obscura'. He experimented with both convex and concave lenses in order to clarify the image of the lens and to provide a mathematical explanation for their refractive properties. Giambattista was actually theorized to have priority in the invention of the telescope, but he reveals his secondary position to Galileo in an unpublished treatise that fails to discuss anything other than his contemporary's work. +Little is known about the marriage of Giambattista della Porta except that it produced a single daughter. Della Porta was known to have persistent ailments, often caused by anxiety. These included fevers that confined him to bed for months. Giambattista died on February 4, 1615, in Naples. + + +== Contents == +In Giambattista’s preface to Natural Magic he writes, "...if ever any man laboured earnestly to discover the secrets of Nature, it was I; For with all my mind and power, I have turned over the monuments of our ancestors, and if they wrote anything that was secret and concealed, that I enrolled in my catalogue of rarities." Della Porta intended to compile the secrets of nature. However, Giambattista was skeptical of the discoveries of the past and insisted on making his own through experimentation. Again in his preface he says, "In our method I shall observe what our ancestors have said; then I shall show by my own experience, whether they be true or false…." +Giambattista describes two different types of magic in Chapter II of Book I. The first is an evil thing having to do with spirits. He calls this sorcery. "The other Magick is natural; which all excellent wise men do admit and embrace, and worship with great applause; neither is there anything more highly esteemed, or better thought of, by men of learning." This is the magic that della Porta dedicates his studies to. + + +== See also == +16th century in literature +16th century in science +Natural magic +Renaissance magic +White magic + + +== References == + + +== External links == +Natural Magic online (archived from the original on 16 April 2018) +Natural Magick From the Collections at the Library of Congress \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Man_and_Power-0.md b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Man_and_Power-0.md new file mode 100644 index 000000000..f1293200b --- /dev/null +++ b/data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Man_and_Power-0.md @@ -0,0 +1,40 @@ +--- +title: "Man and Power" +chunk: 1/1 +source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Man_and_Power" +category: "reference" +tags: "science, encyclopedia" +date_saved: "2026-05-05T03:05:14.772094+00:00" +instance: "kb-cron" +--- + +Man and Power: the Story of Power from the Pyramids to the Atomic Age is a science book for children by L. Sprague de Camp, illustrated with documents, photographs by Russ Kinne, Roman Vishniac, and others, and paintings by Alton S. Tobey, first published in hardcover by Golden Press in 1961. + + +== Summary == +As stated on the cover, the work is a survey of "the story of power from the pyramids to the atomic age." It traces the "progression of man's discovery and utilization of power ... in chapters dealing consecutively with the different sources of power--animal, wind, water, steam, internal combustion, chemical, electrical, and nuclear power, and possible future sources." + + +== Partial Contents == +Manpower +Animal Power +Wind Power +Water Power +Steam Power +Internal-combustion Power +Chemical Power +Electric Power +Nuclear Power + + +== Reception == +Thomas Goonan, writing for Library Journal, rated the book "[r]ecommended," praising its "[e]xcellent illustrations" that "elucidate the text" and "[g]ood index. Comparing it to Edward Stoddard's The Story of Power, he judged de Camp's work "[m]ore comprehensive and +detailed." +The Science News-Letter, in its September 23, 1961 issue, listed the book among its "Books of the Week," describing the work as a "[c]olorful panorama depicting and describing man's development of sources of energy to help him build, move around and produce." +The Booklist considered the subject "effectively presented in well-written text and a multitude of supplementary [illustrative materials], all captioned and most of them in color. Its review repeated Goonan's judgment of the work as "more comprehensive" than Stoddard's. In appraising the work for older children, The Booklist noted it was "[j]uvenile in approach but may be useful in high schools, particularly for its illustrations. +Isaac Asimov, writing for The Horn Book Magazine, called it "an exciting book written with great authority and illustrated lavishly," noting that "[f]or young people interested in mechanics and machinery this book is a complete feast." He finds that "[t]he human mind is the hero throughout," with "[t]he personalities of scientists interest[ing] Mr. de Camp only as they affect the scientists as conveyors of new thoughts." +Claire Huchet Bishop in The Commonweal praised the book's "[e]xcellent approach which makes less of the machines than it does of the minds that created them." +Henry W. Hubbard in The New York Times wrote that "Mr. de Camp has filled his book with accurate information and absorbing history," but noted that while "[t]he writing is usually good, ... the first chapter, on manpower, suffers from jarring transitions, and the detailed explanations of steam engines and such are occasionally hard to follow." He finds the illustrations "colorful and skillfully chosen. They are, in fact, the high point of the book." Summing up, he states that "[b]y virtue of its thoroughness, and its informative illustrations, "Man and Power" should be especially useful in libraries and schools." + + +== Notes == \ No newline at end of file