Scrape wikipedia-science: 1441 new, 1019 updated, 2519 total (kb-cron)

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benoît_Godin-0.md

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+title: "Benoît Godin"
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+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benoît_Godin"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
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+---
+
+Benoît Godin was a Canadian political scientist and sociologist.
+
+
+== Biography ==
+Benoît Godin is mostly known for his research into the history of statistics, statistics of innovation, and of the ideological roots of the concept of innovation. After a first degree at the Université Laval (1984) in Québec (CA), he obtained a PhD at the Science Policy Research Unit (SPRU) the University of Sussex (UK) in 1994). From February 1993 until his death he was professor at Institut national de la recherche scientifique INRS, Québec (CA).
+
+
+== Work ==
+The work of Benoît Godin covers both the history of quantification and that of innovation. He worked on measurement statistics in science, on the history of science proper, as well as that of technology and innovation. In the last years of his life he focused on the intellectual history of innovation, noting how the ‘superlative’ connotation of the term innovation is recent, in relative terms, as it had a rather negative connotation until the late 1960s or early 1970s.
+
+
+== Books ==
+Godin, Benoit (2020). The idea of technological innovation : a brief alternative history. Edward Elgar Publishing. Cheltenham. ISBN 978-1-83910-400-8. OCLC 1152021488.{{cite book}}:  CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
+(As editor with Dominique Vinck) Critical Studies of Innovation: Alternative Approaches to the Pro-Innovation Bias.
+Godin, Benoit (2019). The invention of technological innovation : languages, discourses and ideology in historical perspective. Edward Elgar Publishing. Cheltenham, UK. ISBN 978-1-78990-334-8. OCLC 1125747489.{{cite book}}:  CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
+Godin, Benoit (2017). Models of innovation : the history of an idea. Cambridge, Massachusetts. ISBN 978-0-262-33880-6. OCLC 990341355.{{cite book}}:  CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
+Godin, Benoit (2015). Innovation contested : the idea of innovation over the centuries. New York, New York. ISBN 978-1-315-85560-8. OCLC 903958473.{{cite book}}:  CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
+Bowker, Geoffrey C. (1 June 2007). "Benoît Godin: Measurement and Statistics on Science and Technology: 1920 to the Present". Isis. 98 (2): 403–404. doi:10.1086/521473. ISSN 0021-1753.
+Handbook on alternative theories of innovation. Benoît. Godin, Gérald Gaglio, Dominique Vinck. Cheltenham, Gloucestershire. 2021. ISBN 978-1-78990-230-3. OCLC 1285169135.{{cite book}}:  CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)
+
+
+== See also ==
+Innovation
+Science and technology studies
+Social construction of technology
+
+
+== References ==
+
+
+== External links ==
+Page of Benoît Godin at INRS
+Page of The Idea of Innovation, A project funded by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).
+CASTI Network, Conceptual Approaches to Science, Technology, and Innovation: An Interdisciplinary Research Network.

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Expertise_finding-0.md

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+title: "Expertise finding"
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+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Expertise_finding"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:39.545902+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+Expertise finding is the use of tools for finding and assessing individual expertise. In the recruitment industry, expertise finding is the problem of searching for employable candidates with certain required skills set. In other words, it is the challenge of linking humans to expertise areas, and as such is a sub-problem of expertise retrieval (the other problem being expertise profiling).
+
+== Importance of expertise ==
+It can be argued that human expertise is more valuable than capital, means of production or intellectual property. Contrary to expertise, all other aspects of capitalism are now relatively generic: access to capital is global, as is access to means of production for many areas of manufacturing.  Intellectual property can be similarly licensed.  Furthermore, expertise finding is also a key aspect of institutional memory, as without its experts an institution is effectively decapitated.  However, finding and "licensing" expertise, the key to the effective use of these resources, remain much harder, starting with the very first step: finding expertise that you can trust.
+Until very recently, finding expertise required a mix of individual, social and collaborative practices, a haphazard process at best.  Mostly, it involved contacting individuals one trusts and asking them for referrals, while hoping that one's judgment about those individuals is justified and that their answers are thoughtful.
+In the last fifteen years, a class of knowledge management software has emerged to facilitate and improve the quality of expertise finding, termed "expertise locating systems".  These software range from social networking systems to knowledge bases.  Some software, like those in the social networking realm, rely on users to connect each other, thus using social filtering to act as "recommender systems".
+At the other end of the spectrum are specialized knowledge bases that rely on experts to populate a specialized type of database with their self-determined areas of expertise and contributions, and do not rely on user recommendations.  Hybrids that feature expert-populated content in conjunction with user recommendations also exist, and are arguably more valuable for doing so.
+Still other expertise knowledge bases rely strictly on external manifestations of expertise, herein termed "gated objects", e.g., citation impacts for scientific papers or data mining approaches wherein many of the work products of an expert are collated.  Such systems are more likely to be free of user-introduced biases (e.g., ResearchScorecard ), though the use of computational methods can introduce other biases.
+There are also hybrid approaches which use user-generated data (e.g., member profiles), community-based signals (e.g., recommendations and skill endorsements), and personalized signals (e.g., social connection between searcher and results).
+Examples of the systems outlined above are listed in Table 1.
+Table 1: A classification of expertise location systems
+
+== Technical problems ==
+A number of interesting problems follow from the use of expertise finding systems:
+
+The matching of questions from non-expert to the database of existing expertise is inherently difficult, especially when the database does not store the requisite expertise.  This problem grows even more acute with increasing ignorance on the part of the non-expert due to typical search problems involving use of keywords to search unstructured data that are not semantically normalized, as well as variability in how well an expert has set up their descriptive content pages.  Improved question matching is one reason why third-party semantically normalized systems such as ResearchScorecard and BiomedExperts should be able to provide better answers to queries from non-expert users.
+Avoiding expert-fatigue due to too many questions/requests from users of the system (ref. 1).
+Finding ways to avoid "gaming" of the system to reap unjustified expertise credibility.
+Infer expertise on implicit skills. Since users typically do not declare all of the skills they have, it is important to infer their implicit skills that are highly related their explicit ones. The inference step can significantly improve recall in expertise finding.
+
+== Expertise ranking ==
+Means of classifying and ranking expertise (and therefore experts) become essential if the number of experts returned by a query is greater than a handful.  This raises the following social problems associated with such systems:
+
+How can expertise be assessed objectively? Is that even possible?
+What are the consequences of relying on unstructured social assessments of expertise, such as user recommendations?
+How does one distinguish authoritativeness as a proxy metric of expertise from simple popularity, which is often a function of one's ability to express oneself coupled with a good social sense?
+What are the potential consequences of the social or professional stigma associated with the use of an authority ranking, such as used in Technorati and ResearchScorecard)?
+How to make expertise ranking personalized to each individual searcher? This is particularly important for recruiting purpose since given the same skills, recruiters from different companies, industries, locations might have different preferences for candidates and their varying areas of expertise.
+
+== Sources of data for assessing expertise ==
+Many types of data sources have been used to infer expertise.  They can be broadly categorized based on whether they measure "raw" contributions provided by the expert, or whether some sort of filter is applied to these contributions.
+Unfiltered data sources that have been used to assess expertise, in no particular ranking order:
+
+self-reported expertise on networking platforms
+expertise sharing through platforms
+user recommendations
+help desk tickets: what the problem was and who fixed it
+e-mail traffic between users
+documents, whether private or on the web, particularly publications
+user-maintained web pages
+reports (technical, marketing, etc.)
+Filtered data sources, that is, contributions that require approval by third parties (grant committees, referees, patent office, etc.) are particularly valuable for measuring expertise in a way that minimizes biases that follow from popularity or other social factors:
+
+patents, particularly if issued
+scientific publications
+issued grants (failed grant proposals are rarely known beyond the authors)
+clinical trials
+product launches
+pharmaceutical drugs

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Expertise_finding-1.md

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+---
+
+== Approaches for creating expertise content ==
+Manual, either by experts themselves (e.g., Skillhive) or by a curator (Expertise Finder)
+Automated, e.g., using software agents (e.g., MIT's ExpertFinder) or a combination of agents and human curation (e.g., ResearchScorecard )
+In industrial expertise search engines (e.g., LinkedIn), there are many signals coming into the ranking functions, such as, user-generated content (e.g., profiles), community-generated content (e.g., recommendations and skills endorsements) and personalized signals (e.g., social connections). Moreover, user queries might contain many other aspects rather required expertise, such as, locations, industries or companies. Thus, traditional information retrieval features like text matching are also important. Learning to rank is typically used to combine all of these signals together into a ranking function
+
+== Collaborator discovery ==
+In academia, a related problem is collaborator discovery, where the goal is to suggest suitable collaborators to a researcher. While expertise finding is an asynchronous problem (employer looking for employee), collaborator discovery can be distinguished from expertise finding by helping establishing more symmetric relationships (collaborations). Also, while in expertise finding the task often can be clearly characterized, this is not the case in academic research, where future goals are more fuzzy.
+
+== References ==
+
+== Further reading ==
+Ackerman, Mark and McDonald, David (1998) "Just Talk to Me: A Field Study of Expertise Location" Proceedings of the 1998 ACM Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work.
+Hughes, Gareth and Crowder, Richard (2003) "Experiences in designing highly adaptable expertise finder systems"  Proceedings of the DETC Conference 2003.
+Maybury, M., D'Amore, R., House, D. (2002). "Awareness of organizational expertise." International Journal of Human-Computer Interaction 14(2): 199–217.
+Maybury, M., D'Amore, R., House, D. (2000). Automating Expert Finding. International Journal of Technology Research Management. 43(6): 12–15.
+Maybury, M., D'Amore, R, and House, D. December (2001). Expert Finding for Collaborative Virtual Environments.  Communications of the ACM 14(12): 55–56. In Ragusa, J. and Bochenek, G. (eds). Special Section on Collaboration Virtual Design Environments.
+Maybury, M., D'Amore, R. and House, D. (2002). Automated Discovery and Mapping of Expertise.  In Ackerman, M., Cohen, A., Pipek, V. and Wulf, V. (eds.). Beyond Knowledge Management: Sharing Expertise. Cambridge: MIT Press.
+Mattox, D., M. Maybury, et al. (1999). "Enterprise expert and knowledge discovery". Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Human-Computer Interactions (HCI International 99), Munich, Germany.
+Tang, J., Zhang J., Yao L., Li J., Zhang L. and Su Z.(2008) "ArnetMiner: extraction and mining of academic social networks" Proceedings of the 14th ACM SIGKDD international conference on Knowledge discovery and data mining.
+Viavacqua, A. (1999). "Agents for expertise location". Proceedings of the 1999 AAAI Spring Symposium on Intelligent Agents in Cyberspace, Stanford, CA.

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+title: "Feminist technoscience"
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+---
+
+Feminist technoscience is a transdisciplinary branch of science studies which emerged from decades of feminist critique on the way gender and other identity markers are entangled in the combined fields of science and technology. The term technoscience, especially in regard to the field of feminist technoscience studies, seeks to remove the distinction between scientific research and development with applied applications of technology while assuming science is entwined with the common interests of society. As a result, science is suggested to be held to the same level of political and ethical accountability as the technologies which develop from it. Feminist technoscience studies continue to develop new theories on how politics of gender and other identity markers are interconnected to resulting processes of technical change, and power relations of the globalized, material world.
+Feminist technoscience focuses less on intrapersonal relationships between men and women, and more on broader issues concerning knowledge production and how bodies manifest and are acknowledged in societies.
+Feminist technoscience studies are inspired by social constructionist approaches to gender, sex, intersectionalities, and science, technology and society (STS).  It can also be referred to as feminist science studies, feminist STS, feminist cultural studies of science, feminist studies of science and technology, and gender and science.
+
+== History ==
+According to Judy Wajcman, the concept of technology has historically been bound to indigenous women.  The roles of harvesters, or caretakers of the domestic economy taken up by these women lead Wajcman to conclude they would have created tools such as the sickle and the pestle, making them the first technologists. During the eighteenth century, industrial engineering began to constitute the modern definition of technology. This transformed the meaning from including useful arts technology – such as needlework, metalwork, weaving, and mining – to strictly applied science.  As a result, "male machines" replaced the "female fabrics" as identifiers of modern technology when engineering was considered a masculine profession. Due to political movements of the 1960s and early 70s, science and technology were considered as industrial, governmental, and/or militaristic based practices, which were associated with masculinity, thus resulting in a lack of feminist discourse. Feminist scholarship identified the absence of women's presence in technological and scientific spheres, due to the use of sex stereotyping in education and sexual discrimination in the workforce, as well as the development of technology as a masculine construct.  Examples of masculine-coded technologies under these categories included ARPANET, a precursor to the internet developed by the United States Department of Defence, and the Manhattan Project.
+The women's health movements of the 1970s in the United States and the United Kingdom provided momentum to the emergence of feminist politics around scientific knowledge. During the early states of second-wave feminism, campaigns for improved birth control and abortion rights were at the forefront in challenging the consolidation of male dominated sciences and technologies at the expense of women's health. After the first successful birth of a child using in vitro fertilization technology, critiques of reproductive technologies rapidly grew. In the 1970s and 1980s, there were fears that oppressive population policies would be enacted, since men could use technology to appropriate the reproductive abilities of women. For many feminist activists, such as Gena Corea and Maria Mies, such technologies changed women's bodies into industrialized factories for the production of more human beings, which these feminist activists viewed as another way of continuing the subjugation of women in society. Others viewed the act of regaining knowledge and control over women's bodies as a crucial component to women's liberation.Further advances in reproductive technologies allowed the possibility to allow new family types and lifestyles to form, beyond the heterosexual family unit.
+Science was originally seen as an alien entity opposed to women's interests. Sciences and technologies developed under the misconception that women's needs were universal and inferior to the needs of men, forcing women into rigid, determined sex roles. A shift happened in the 1980s – Sandra Harding proposed "the female question in science" to raise "the question of the science in feminism", claiming that science is involved in projects that are not only neutral and objective, but that are strongly linked to male interests. The conceptualization of science and technology was expanded to reflect the all-pervasive ways in which technology is encountered in daily life, gaining attention of feminists out of concern for female positions in science and technological professions.  Rather than asking how women can be better treated within and by science, feminist critics instead chose to focus on how a science deeply involved in masculinity and masculine projects could be used for the emancipation of women.
+Today's feminist critique often uses the former demonology of technology as a point of departure to tell a story of progress from liberal to postmodern feminism. According to Judy Wajcman, both liberal and Marxist feminists failed in the analysis of science and technology, because they considered the technology as neutral and did not pay attention to the symbolic dimension of technoscience.

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+---
+
+== Feminist technologies and technoscience studies ==
+Feminist technoscience studies have become intrinsically linked with practices of Technofeminism and the development of feminist technologies in cultural and critical vernacular.  Feminist technoscience studies explore the coded social and historical implications of science and technology on the development of society, including how identity constructs and is constructed by these technologies.  Technofeminism emerged in the early 1980s, leaning on the different feminist movements. Feminist scholars reanalyzed the Scientific Revolution, and stated that the resulting science was based on the masculine ideology of exploiting the Earth and control.  During this time, nature and scientific inquiry were modelled after misogynous relationships to women.  Femininity was associated with nature and considered as something passive to be objectified. This was in contrast to culture, which was represented by objectifying masculinity.  This analysis depended on the use of gender imagery to conceptualize the nature of technoscientific masculine ideology.
+Judy Wajcman draws parallels between Judith Butler's theory of gender performativity and the construction of technology.  Butler conceives gender as a performative act as opposed to a naturalized condition one is born into.  Through a fluctuating process achieved in daily social interaction, gender identity is acted and constructed through relational behaviours – it is a fluid concept. Drawing from the work of Butler and Donna Haraway, Amade M'charek analyzes how objects, when linked to another object or signifier, construct identity through the use of human imagination:
+
+Differences and similarities may be stable or not, depending on the maintenance work that goes into the relations that help to produce them. They are neither fundaments nor qualities that are always embodied… Differences are relational. They do not always materialize in bodies (in the flesh, genes, hormones, brains, or the skin). Rather they materialize in the very relations that help to enact them. 
+In this theory, identity is not the byproduct of genes, but the constant upholding of hierarchical difference relations. Differences in identity are the effect of interferences, performing and enacting and being enacted upon.  Technology too, as proposed by Wajcman, is a product of mutual alliances, not objectively given but collectively created in a process of reiteration.  To this end, technology exists as both a source and a concurrence of identity relations.
+Western technology and science is deeply implicated in the masculine projection and patriarchal domination of women and nature.   After the shift of feminist theory to focus more on technoscience, there was a call for new technology to be based on the needs and values of women, rather than masculine dominated technological development.  The differences between female and male needs were asserted by feminist movements, drawing attention to the exclusion of women being served by current technologies.  Reproductive technologies in particular were influenced by this movement. During this time, household technologies, new media, and new technosciences were, for the most part, disregarded.
+
+=== Feminist technologies ===
+Feminist technologies are ones that are formed from feminist social relations, but varied definitions and layers of feminism complicate the definition.  Deborah Johnson proposes four candidates for feminist technologies: 
+
+Technologies that are good for women
+Technologies that constitute gender-equitable social relations
+Technologies that favor women
+Technologies that constitute social relations that are more equitable than those that were constituted by a prior technology or than those that prevail in the wider society
+The successes of certain technologies, such as the pap smear for cervical cancer testing, relied on the feminization of technician jobs.  The intervention of women outside the technological sphere, like from members of the women's health movement, and public health activists also aided in the tool's development.  However, other feminist technologies, such as birth control serve as an example of a feminist technology also shaped in part by dominant masculinity.
+Combined oral contraceptive pills were first approved for use in the United States in 1960, during the time of the women's liberation movement. The birth control pill helped make it possible for more women to enter the workforce by giving them the ability to control their own fertility.  Decades prior to this, activists such as Margaret Sanger and Katharine McCormick fought for female contraceptives, seeing it as a necessity for the emancipation of women.  However, in the 1970s feminists raised critique on male control of the medical and pharmaceutical industry.  The male domination of these fields led technologies such as oral contraceptives to be developed around what men considered to be universal, defining characteristics of women (these being their sex and reproductive capabilities).  Birth control pills themselves also succeeded in perpetrating and creating this universality – shaped by moral considerations of the natural body, the length of the menstrual cycle was able to be engineered.
+Feminist work in design including fields like industrial design, graphic design and fashion design parallels work on feminist technoscience and feminist technology. Isabel Prochner examines feminist design processes and the development of feminist artefacts and technology, stressing that the process should:
+
+Emphasize human life and flourishing over output and growth
+Follow best practices in labor, international production and trade
+Take place in an empowering workspace
+Involve non-hierarchical, interdisciplinary and collaborative work
+Address user needs at multiple levels, including support for pleasure, fun and happiness
+Create thoughtful products for female users
+Create good jobs through production, execution and sale of the design solution 

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+---
+
+=== Bioethics and capitalism ===
+The development of reproductive technologies blur the lines between nature and technology, allowing for the reconfiguration of life itself. Through the advances of genetic technologies, the controlling of pregnancy, childbirth, and motherhood has become increasingly possible through intrusive means.  These advances in biotechnology are serving to develop life as a commodity and deepen monetary inequality - a link made by feminist theorists such as Donna Haraway.  Genetic engineering also brings about questions in eugenics, leading early radical feminist analysis to declare and attempt to reclaim motherhood as a foundation of female identity. The idea of a green, natural motherhood was popularized by ecofeminists who celebrated the identification of women with nature, and natural life.
+Haraway instead chooses to embrace technology as feminist instead of reverting to this idea of naturalized femininity. By embracing the image of the cyborg,  an amalgamation that is neither human/animal nor machine, Haraway explores the ideas of technoscience and gender, conceptualizing a space where gender is an arbitrary, unnecessary construct.
+The corporatization of biology through the alteration of nature through technology is also a theme explored by Haraway. The OncoMouse is a laboratory mouse genetically modified to carry a specific gene which increases the creature's chance of developing cancer.  Until 2005, American conglomerate DuPoint owned the patent to the OncoMouse, reconfiguring and relegating life to a commodity. This development in genetic engineering brings up questions about lab animal treatment, as well as ethical questions around class and race. Increasing breast cancer rates in Black women are discussed in ecofeminist analysis of the modification of lab animals from breast cancer research to being the discussion into an ethically ambiguous space.  Haraway in particular raises the question of whether modifying and expending a live commodity like OncoMouse is ethical if it leads to the development of a cure for breast cancer.
+The reconfiguring of life in biotechnologies and genetic engineering allow for a precedence to be set, leading to capitalist cultural consequences.  Through these technologies technoscience becomes naturalized, and also becomes increasingly subject to the process of commodification and capital accumulation in transnational capitalist corporations. Similar to Marxist and Neo-Marxist analyses of sciences, biotechnologies allow for the concept of commodity to become fetishized as genes are reified to have a monetary value outside of use value.  This also positions life and nature as things to be exploited by capitalism.
+
+== See also ==
+Cyberfeminism
+Digital rhetoric
+Annemarie Mol
+Donna Haraway
+Evelyn Fox Keller
+John Law
+Judy Wajcman
+Karen Barad
+Lucy Suchman
+Nina Lykke
+Sandra Harding
+TechnoFeminism
+
+== Further reading ==
+Faulkner, Wendy (January 2001). "The technology question in feminism". Women's Studies International Forum. 24 (1): 79–95. doi:10.1016/S0277-5395(00)00166-7.
+Giordano, Sara (2017). "Feminists increasing public understandings of science: a feminist approach to developing critical science literacy skills". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies. 38 (1): 100–123. doi:10.5250/fronjwomestud.38.1.0100. JSTOR 10.5250/fronjwomestud.38.1.0100. S2CID 152248924.
+Xavier, Mínguez Alcaide (January 2015). "Métodos de Diálogo con Grandes Grupos. Herramientas para afrontar la complejidad". Revista de Estudios Sociales (51): 186–197. doi:10.7440/res51.2015.14.
+
+== Notes ==
+
+== References ==
+Booth, Shirley (2010). Gender Issues in Learning and Working with Technology: Social Contexts and Cultural Contexts. Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference. p. 69. ISBN 978-1-61520-813-5.
+Whelan, Emma (2001). "Politics by Other Means: Feminism and Mainstream Science Studies". The Canadian Journal of Sociology. 26 (4): 535–581. doi:10.2307/3341492. JSTOR 3341492.
+Wajcman, Judy (2004). Technofeminism (Reprint ed.). Cambridge, United Kingdom: Polity. ISBN 978-0-7456-3043-4.
+Elovaara, Pirjo; Mörtberg, Christina (2010). Travelling thoughtfulness: feminist technoscience stories. Umeå: Department of Informatics, Umeå University. ISBN 978-91-7459-094-4.
+Weber, Jutta Davis, Kathy; Evans, Mary; Lorber, Judith (2006). From Science and Technology to Feminist Technoscience (PDF). pp. 397–414. ISBN 9780761943907. In: Handbook of Gender and Women's Studies; Davis K, Evans M, Lorber J
+Åsberg, Cecilia; Lykke, Nina (5 November 2010). "Feminist technoscience studies". European Journal of Women's Studies. 17 (4): 299–305. doi:10.1177/1350506810377692. S2CID 146433213.
+Gill, Rosalind (March 2005). "Technofeminism". Science as Culture. 14 (1): 97–101. doi:10.1080/09505430500042130. S2CID 219715620.
+
+== External links ==
+Feminist Epistemology and Philosophy of Science, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
+van der Velden, Maja; Mörtberg, Christina (November 2012). "Between Need and Desire: Exploring Strategies for Gendering Design". Science, Technology, & Human Values. 37 (6): 663–683. doi:10.1177/0162243911401632. S2CID 146481731.
+Review of “Technofeminism” of Judy Wajcman, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya (Spanish)
+Norma (Nordic Journal for Masculinity Studies)
+International Journal of Feminist Technoscience
+Kvinder, Køn & Forskning
+Tidsskrift för genusvetenskap
+Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning
+Centre for Gender and Women's Studies

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+title: "International Encyclopedia of Unified Science"
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+
+The International Encyclopedia of Unified Science (IEUS) was a series of publications devoted to unified science. The IEUS was conceived at the Mundaneum Institute in The Hague in the 1930s, and published in the United States beginning in 1938. It was an ambitious project that was never completed.
+The IEUS was an output of the Vienna Circle to address the "growing concern throughout the world for the logic, the history, and the sociology of science..." Only the first section Foundations of the Unity of Science (FUS) was published; it contains two volumes for a total of nineteen monographs published from 1938 to 1969.
+
+
+== International Congresses for the Unity of Science ==
+
+Creation of the IEUS was facilitated by the International Congresses for the Unity of Science organized by members of the Vienna Circle. After a preliminary conference in Prague in 1934, the First International Congress for the Unity of Science was held at the Sorbonne, Paris, 16–21 September 1935. It was attended by about 170 people from over twenty different countries. With the active involvement of Kazimierz Ajdukiewicz (Poland), Susan Stebbing (England), and Federigo Enriques (Italy) the scope of the project for an IEUS was considerably expanded. The congress expressed its approval of the planned IEUS as proposed by the Mundaneum, and further set up a committee to plan future congresses. This committee included the following members:
+
+The Third International Congress for the Unity of Science, which was devoted exclusively to the IEUS, was held in Paris, 29–31 July 1937.
+
+
+== Volume I ==
+Encyclopedia and Unified Science (FUS I-1)
+Otto Neurath, Niels Bohr, John Dewey, Bertrand Russell, Rudolf Carnap, and Charles Morris
+Foundations of the Theory of Signs (FUS I-2)
+Charles Morris
+Foundations of Logic and Mathematics (FUS I-3)
+Rudolf Carnap
+Linguistic Aspects of Science (FUS I-4)
+Leonard Bloomfield
+Procedures of Empirical Science (FUS I-5)
+Victor F. Lenzen
+Principles of the Theory of Probability (FUS I-6) 
+Ernest Nagel
+Foundations of Physics (FUS I-7) 
+Philipp Frank
+Cosmology (FUS I-8) 
+E. Finlay-Freundlich
+Foundations of Biology (FUS I-9) 
+Felix Mainx
+The Conceptual Framework of Psychology (FUS I-10) 
+Egon Brunswik
+
+
+== Volume II ==
+Foundations of the Social Sciences (FUS II-1)
+Otto Neurath
+The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (FUS II-2)
+Thomas S. Kuhn
+Science and the Structure of Ethics (FUS II-3)
+Abraham Edel
+Theory of Valuation (FUS II-4)
+John Dewey
+The Technique of Theory Construction (FUS II-5)
+Joseph H. Woodger
+Methodology of Mathematical Economics and Econometrics (FUS II-6) 
+Gerhard Tintner
+Concept Formation in Empirical Science (FUS II-7) 
+Carl G. Hempel
+The Development of Rationalism and Empiricism (FUS II-8) 
+George De Santillana, Edgar Zilsel
+The Development of Logical Empiricism (FUS II-9) 
+Joergen Joergensen
+Bibliography and Index (FUS II-10) 
+Herbert Feigl, Charles Morris
+
+
+== Influence ==
+Historian David Hollinger argued that the IEUS was a less comprehensive account of the sciences of the time than it could have been, and was especially weak in the social sciences. Hollinger noted that the Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, published around the same time, provided a much more comprehensive account of the social sciences: "The Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (12 vols., New York, 1933–1937) was a prodigious endeavor brought to successful completion by Alvin Johnson. This encyclopedia is a much more important episode in the history of thought than The International Encyclopedia of Unified Science yet has attracted much less attention from historians than the abortive enterprise led by Neurath." Hollinger also said that the scholarly journal Philosophy of Science, founded in 1934, provided a much more inclusive perspective on the sciences in those years than did the IEUS.
+
+
+== See also ==
+Encyclopedism
+Van Nostrand's Scientific Encyclopedia –  published in 1938, the same year as the first monograph in the IEUS
+World Brain –  published in 1938, the same year as the first monograph in the IEUS
+World Congress of Universal Documentation –  held in Paris in 1937 a few weeks after the Third International Congress for the Unity of Science
+
+
+== References ==
+
+
+== Further reading ==
+Morris, Charles W. (1962) [1960]. "On the history of the International Encyclopedia of Unified Science". Logic and language: studies dedicated to Professor Rudolf Carnap on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. Synthese library. Dordrecht: D. Reidel. pp. 242–246. doi:10.1007/978-94-017-2111-0_16. ISBN 9789048183197. JSTOR 20114366. OCLC 23127209. {{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
+Nemeth, Elisabeth; Stadler, Friedrich, eds. (1996). Encyclopedia and utopia: the life and work of Otto Neurath (1882–1945). Vienna Circle Institute yearbook. Vol. 4. Dordrecht; Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers. ISBN 0792341619. OCLC 36219438.
+Neurath, Otto (1983) [1936]. "Encyclopedia as 'model'". In Cohen, Robert S.; Neurath, Marie; Fawcett, Carolyn R. (eds.). Philosophical papers, 1913–1946. Vienna Circle collection. Vol. 16. Dordrecht; Boston: D. Reidel. pp. 145–158. doi:10.1007/978-94-009-6995-7_13. ISBN 9027714835.
+O'Neill, John (September 2003). "Unified science as political philosophy: positivism, pluralism and liberalism". Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A. 34 (3): 575–596. doi:10.1016/S0039-3681(03)00048-7.
+Pombo, Olga (2011). "Neurath and the encyclopaedic project of unity of science". In Symons, John; Pombo, Olga; Torres, Juan Manuel (eds.). Otto Neurath and the unity of science. Logic, epistemology and the unity of science. Vol. 18. Dordrecht; New York: Springer Verlag. pp. 59–70. doi:10.1007/978-94-007-0143-4_5. ISBN 9789400701427. OCLC 723045353.
+Potochnik, Angela (May 2011). "A Neurathian conception of the unity of science" (PDF). Erkenntnis. 74 (3): 305–319. doi:10.1007/s10670-010-9228-0.
+Reisch, George A. (June 1994). "Planning science: Otto Neurath and the International Encyclopedia of Unified Science". The British Journal for the History of Science. 27 (2): 153–175. doi:10.1017/S0007087400031873. JSTOR 4027433.
+Zolo, Danilo (1989) [1986]. "The unity of science as a historico-sociological goal: from the primacy of physics to the epistemological priority of sociology". Reflexive epistemology: the philosophical legacy of Otto Neurath. Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. 118. Dordrecht; Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 83–106. doi:10.1007/978-94-009-2415-4_5. ISBN 0792303202. OCLC 19814200.

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+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
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+
+Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (published 1985) is a book by Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer. It examines the debate between Robert Boyle and Thomas Hobbes over Boyle's air-pump experiments in the 1660s. In 2005, Shapin and Schaffer were awarded the Erasmus Prize for this work.
+On a theoretical level, the book explores the acceptable methods of knowledge production, and societal factors related to the different knowledge systems promoted by Boyle and Hobbes. The "Leviathan" in the title is Hobbes's book on the structure of society, Leviathan, or The Matter, Forme and Power of a Common Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civil and the "Air-Pump" is Robert Boyle's mechanical instrument. The book also contains a translation by Schaffer of Hobbes's Dialogus physicus de natura aeris. It attacked Boyle and others who founded the society for experimental research, soon known as the Royal Society.
+
+== Intention of the work ==
+Shapin and Schaffer state in their first chapter, "Understanding Experiment", that they wish to answer the question, "Why does one do experiments in order to arrive at scientific truth?"  Their aim is to use a historical account of the debate over the validity of Boyle's air pump experiments, and by extension his experimental method, to discover the origins of the credibility that we give experimentally produced facts today.  The authors wish to avoid "'The self-evident'" method, which (they explain) is when historians project the values of their current culture onto the time period that they are studying (in this case valuing the benefits of empiricism).  They wish to take a "stranger's" viewpoint when examining the debate between Hobbes and Boyle because, in the 1660s, both methods of knowledge production were well respected in the academic community and the reasons that Boyle's experimentalism prevailed over Hobbes's natural philosophy would not have been obvious to contemporaries.
+They explain that, traditionally, Hobbes's position on natural philosophy has been dismissed by historians because historians perceived Hobbes as "misunderstanding" Boyle's work.  Thus, in Leviathan and the Air-Pump, Shapin and Schaffer aim to avoid bias and consider both sides' arguments with equal weight. In addition, they comment on the social instability of Restoration society post-1660.  They aim to show that the debate between these two contemporaries had political fallout beyond the intellectual sphere, and that accepting Hobbes or Boyle's method of knowledge production was also to accept a social philosophy.

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+
+== Chapter II: Seeing and Believing: The Experimental Production of Pneumatic Facts ==
+Chapter Two outlines Boyle's theory of knowledge production, which revolves around the creation of the "matter of fact".  This refers to an experimentally generated piece of knowledge separate from a universal theory and that was based on probability.  This is in direct opposition to Hobbes (discussed in chapter 3), who required "absolute certainty" based on "logic and geometry" to consider a phenomenon a fact.  In the eyes of Boyle and his colleagues, the abandonment of absolute certainty was not "a regrettable retreat from more ambitious goals; it was celebrated as a wise rejection of a failed project".  Thus, because "matters of fact" did not have to be absolute, universal assent was not necessary for the production of knowledge.  Boyle made use of three knowledge-producing technologies in order to produce knowledge: "a material technology embedded in the construction and operation of the air-pump; a literary technology by means of which the phenomena produced by the pump were made known to those who were not direct witnesses; and a social technology that incorporated the conventions that experimental philosophers should use in dealing with each other and considering knowledge-claims".
+Importantly, Shapin and Schaffer give a description of the "material technology," the air-pump itself, essentially a suction pump attached to a replaceable glass bulb.  When the pump was set in motion, the air would be evacuated from the glass bulb thus creating what we now consider to be a vacuum, but what for contemporaries was a space of great debate (explained below).  However, the integrity of the pump was far from perfect and this leaking is central to the arguments both for and against experimentalism.  Shapin and Schaffer assert that three important points should be taken into account when considering the pump itself: "(1) that both the engine's integrity and its limited leakage were important resources for Boyle in validating his pneumatic finding and their proper interpretation; (2) that the physical integrity of the machine was vital to the perceived integrity of the knowledge the machine helped to produce; and (3) that the lack of its physical integrity was a strategy used by critics, particularly Hobbes, to deconstruct Boyle's claims and to substitute alternative accounts".
+The arguments about experimentally generated knowledge revolve around two of Boyle's experiments.  The first experiment is the Torricellian apparatus placed within the exhausted receiver (the bulb).  The result is that the liquid in the inverted tube of the Torricellian apparatus falls, but not to the level of the liquid in the dish at the base of the inverted tube.  For Boyle, the water level fell because the air was being evacuated from the bulb and thus its spring and weight were no longer acting on the liquid around the base of the tube holding the liquid in the inverted tube up.  The fact that the water did not fall completely to the bottom of the tube was explained (for Boyle) by the existence of air in the bulb that occurred due to leakage.  However Boyle was careful not to commit to saying that a vacuum existed in the bulb; he stated only that when air was sucked out of the bulb the level of the liquid in the inverted tube fell - this was the nature of a matter of fact.  The second experiment was based on the theory of cohesion - that "two smooth bodies, such as marble or glass discs, can be made spontaneously to cohere when pressed against each other".  Boyle's idea was that if two cohered discs were placed in the receiver of the air-pump they would spontaneously separate without the air's pressure to keep them together.  However, when the receiver was evacuated, they did not separate - a result which Boyle blamed on leakage and the fact that he could not get enough air out of the receiver to reduce the air's pressure to an appropriate level.  It should be noted here that Boyle's definitions of "pressure" and "spring" were never clearly defined, which we shall see is one of Hobbes's major complaints.
+The air-pump granted access to a whole new branch of "elaborate" experiments.  In order to witness the phenomena produced by the pump, one had to have access to a pump - which was vastly expensive and difficult to build.  However, the space in which the existing pumps did work was arguably a public space - albeit a restricted one.  "The laboratory was, therefore, a disciplined space, where experimental, discursive, and social practices were collectively controlled by competent members".  The collective viewing of the air-pump experiments avoided the problem of single eye-witness testimony (which was unreliable), and it offered a space for discourse.  This social space for discourse had two important restrictions: "dispute over matters of fact" was not allowed, and "the rules of the game by which maters of fact were experimentally produced" was not to be disputed.  "In Boyle's view the capacity of experiments to yield matters of fact depended not only upon their actual performance but essentially upon the assurance of the relevant community that they had been so performed".  In order to expand his audience (and credibility) Boyle recommended to the academic community that replication was crucial, though he admitted that others "[would] find it no easy task".  As such, the literary technology was used to create "virtual witnessing" - a technique in which description of the experimental scene is written so that the reader can envision the experiment.  "Stipulations about how to write proper scientific prose were dispersed throughout [Boyle's] experimental reports of the 1660s, but he also composed a special tract on the subject of 'experimental essays.'"  Everything about how Boyle instructed other experimentalists to write stressed honesty.  He wanted readers to read circumstantial accounts of failed experiments as well as successes, and he asserted that all physical causes should be stated as only "probable."
+In summation, Boyle's theory of knowledge production revolves around assent.  All three technologies work towards allowing as many people as possible to come to an agreement about a "matter of fact."

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+
+== Chapter III: Seeing Double: Hobbes's Politics of Plenism before 1660 ==
+The third chapter centers on Hobbes' side of the debate for the effective production of knowledge.  However, unlike Boyle, Hobbes denies that natural philosophy can be separated from politics and religion.  In the previous chapter, Boyle's "matter of fact" worked towards separation from church and state by remaining objective and probabilistic.  For Hobbes, however, "the boundaries Boyle proposed to erect and maintain were guarantees of continued disorder, not remedies to philosophical dissension".  Hobbes also argued for "proper metaphysical language", in contrast to Boyle's reluctance to address the issue of a vacuum and his vague concept of air "pressure."  Hobbes was motivated by three things in his attack on Boyle: (1) to save his own reputation as a natural philosopher, (2) to develop a system of knowledge production that secured order and maintained proper goals for natural philosophy (namely precision instead of probability) and (3) to be sensitive to the needs of Restoration society (discussed in more detail in chapter 7).
+Hobbes' denial of a vacuum stems in part from a need for political stability.  It follows logically that if there can be a space which is devoid of matter, then that is proof of "incorporeal substance" - an idea that was adopted by priests to gain the allegiance of the people by promising the safety of this substance, the immortal soul.  This splits the allegiance of each person in a country between the Church and the Monarch, which creates social instability and ultimately, for Hobbes, the risk of civil war.  He considered incorporeal substance a priestly conspiracy to "usurp power" from the true and legitimate leader - the King.  The conflict could be resolved "by collapsing the hierarchy [spiritual government and material government] in favour of matter".  "It was to that end that Leviathan proffered a materialist and monist natural philosophy.".
+Leviathan also instructs that the way to produce good theories is through good definition of terms, the use of materialist and monist theory, and the equal importance of ontology and epistemology ("Show men what knowledge is and you will show them the grounds of assent and social order").  Hobbes works from a model of geometry, and the aims of his natural philosophy share the same precision as geometry.  That is why, for Hobbes, good definition is extremely important.  Hobbes also rejects the idea that the senses were reliable enough to be able to provide factual knowledge because "the same impressions could be obtained dreaming or waking, by the motions of matter in real external object or by rubbing the eyes".  Instead, Hobbes posits that man's own agency is the place for natural philosophy, once again drawing on geometry: "'as we know, that, if the figure shown be a circle, then any straight line through the centre shall divide it into two equal parts.'  'And this,' Hobbes said, 'is the knowledge required in a philosopher.'"  Thus, belief played no part in Hobbes' concept of a fact, and this ran in opposition to Boyle because Boyle's "matters of fact" required the consensus of a group of witnesses who all believed the same thing.  "Knowledge was constituted when all believed alike.  Likewise for Boyle's clerical allies, religion was a matter of belief and giving witness to that belief...[Hobbes] strategy was one of behavioural control, not one of internal moral control.  It was not that the control of belief was wrong; it was that such control was impractical and an inadequate surety for order."
+Artfully, this chapter ends, "For Hobbes, the rejection of vacuum was the elimination of a space within which dissension could take place."
+
+== Chapter IV: The Trouble with Experiment: Hobbes versus Boyle ==
+As the chapter title suggests, this chapter focuses on how these two historical figures interacted.  It starts with a list of Hobbes' criticisms of Boyle:
+
+- [Hobbes] was skeptical about the allegedly public and witnessed character of experimental performances, and, therefore, of the capacity to generate consensus, even within the experimental rules of the game.
+
+- He regarded the experimental programme as otiose.  It was pointless to perform a systematic series of experiments, for if one could, in fact, discern causes from natural effects, then a single experiment should suffice.
+
+- He denied the status of "philosophy" to the outcome of the experimental programme.  "Philosophy", for Hobbes, was the practice of demonstrating how effects followed from causes, or of inferring causes from effects.  The experimental programme failed to satisfy this definition.
+
+- He systematically refused to credit experimentalists' claims that one could establish a procedural boundary between observing the positive regularities produced by experiment (facts) and identifying the physical cause that accounts for them (theories).
+
+- He persistently treated experimentalists' "hypotheses" and "conjectures" as statements about real causes.
+
+- He contended that, whatever hypothetical cause or state of nature Boyle adduced to explain his experimentally produced phenomena, an alternative and superior explanation could be proffered and was, in fact, already available.  In particular, Hobbes stipulated that Boyle's explanations invoked vacuism.  Hobbes's alternatives proceed from plenism.
+
+- He asserted the inherently defeasible character of experimental systems and therefore the knowledge experimental practices produced.

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump-3.md

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+---
+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
+chunk: 4/9
+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:51.494994+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+Hobbes criticized Boyle's experimental space for being private (as it was exclusive to everyone but empiricists) and insisted that the space had a "master" - which undermined Boyle's concept of free discourse and consensus to generate matters of fact.  Also he criticized the fact that, since the whole experimental community must come into agreement before a "matter of fact" can be produced, the whole experimental community must view the same demonstration at the same time.  This was an obvious impossibility and was problematic for Boyle because "If they were not witnessed simultaneously and together, then in what ways was the evaluation of experimental testimony different from the evaluation of testimony generally?"
+Hobbes also criticized the air-pump itself, saying that "the physical integrity of the machine was massively violated."  He asserted that "it was impossible to understand the air-pump experiments 'unless the nature of the air is known first.'"  This was important for three reasons: (1) because Hobbes said the fluidity of the air ruled out the ability to produce an impermeable seal (2) because describing the air as mixture allowed Hobbes to explain the pumps actions (drawing out the course aspects of the air and leaving behind the more subtle fluid) and (3) because Hobbes said that, since Boyle could not offer a cause for the spring of the air, that made him an inadequate natural philosopher.  Indeed, it was Boyle's recommendation to ignore causes that Hobbes found intolerable.  It was not an objection to the empirical method.  Hobbes only ever doubted the senses as a reliable source of information.  He makes an example of the motion of a person's blood, "for no one feels the motion of their blood unless it pours forth," as proof of the unreliability of the senses.  Yet he did not object to Harvey's work to prove the motion of the blood - rather he even considered himself a "methodological ally" of Harvey's "both denying the foundational nature and of personal experience."
+"Thus for Hobbes, the task of the natural philosopher was to approach as near as he could to the products of the geometer and the civic philosopher" while "Boyle's compulsion was only partial; there was room to differ and tolerance was essential to the maintenance of this partial and liberal compulsion.  Managed dissent within the moral community of experimentalists was safe.  Uncontrollable divisiveness and civil war followed from any other course."

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump-4.md

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+---
+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
+chunk: 5/9
+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:51.494994+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+== Chapter V: Boyle's Adversaries: Experiment Defended ==
+While the previous chapter focuses on the attacks of Boyle's main opponent (Hobbes), this chapter focuses on Boyle's actions in the face of more general adversity.  The three main opponents to Boyle were Hobbes, Linus and More, and Boyle's response to each in turn reflects his opinion of their ideas and shows what parts of his own ideas he deemed essential and what parts he deemed less so.  The figures can be divided into two groups: Linus - who conformed to the model of the experimental programme but did not agree with Boyle's explanation of the air-pump experiments, and Hobbes and More - who attacked the experimental programme as an institution.
+"Linus said there was no vacuum in the Torricellian space.  This was apparent because one could see through that space; if there were a vacuum, 'no visible species could proceed either from it, or through it, unto the eye."  Linus offered a nonmechanical solution to the sustained height of the liquid in the Torricellian apparatus.  He suggested that "a certain internal thread (funiculus) whose upper extremity was attached to the finger [blocking the top of the inverted tube] and whose lower extremity was attached to the surface of the mercury."  He also explained that, in the marble disc experiment, the fault was not with the air-pump but rather with Boyle's theory of the spring of the air.  Thus, as far as experimental procedure was concerned, Linus was following the rules. So how would Boyle respond?  While Boyle's response contained a restatement of the rules of experimentation, a restatement of the boundaries of experimental philosophy, a defense of his mechanical interpretation, and a particular defense of the spring of the air, Boyle took great pains to "make clear that he generally approved of Linus's manner of constructing and delivering his criticisms."  Linus was fully welcomed into the experimental community despite his difference of opinion.  Thus, "in his Defense Boyle would therefore demonstrate not merely that Linus was wrong, but also how experimental controversies ought to be conducted."  In his Defense, Boyle restated that "he could not understand why Linus, like Hobbes, had attacked him as a vacuist when he had explicitly declared his nescience on the matter and had identified the question as metaphysical in character" and thus out of the range of experimental exploration.
+Hobbes on the other hand attacked the validity of the experimental programme itself.  "Boyle's response to Hobbes was fundamentally a defense of the integrity and value of experimental practices."  Boyle's reply included a technical response detailing the changes he had made to the pump (immersing it in water), a reiteration of the rules of experimental discourse, "an experimental programme devoted to clearing up the troubles which Hobbes had pointed to in his comments on New Experiments," and an ideological rejection of Hobbes's natural philosophy.  In his reiteration of the rules of experimental discourse he defended his empirical method by asserting that the argument was over the interpretation of matters of fact and not the facts themselves, thus keeping the experimental way of life out of the line of fire.  In response to Hobbes's criticism that the air had a subtler part that permeated the pump, Boyle stated that "this aether must either be demonstrated by experiment to exist or it was to be regarded as a metaphysical entity", which Boyle has excluded from the scope of the experimental method.
+Henry More had three main arguments in relation to Boyle: "(1) that matter itself was passive, inert and stupid; (2) that its motion was guided by 'some Immaterial Being that exercises its directive Activity on the Matter of the World'; (3) that mechanism alone was an inadequate way of accounting for Boyle's phenomena."  He insisted that natural philosophy could be used "as [a weapon] in theology" which we have seen is an area that Boyle wished to keep separate from the experimental method.  Thus, in response, Boyle "defended the autonomy and status of his [experimental] community" as separate from other social bodies (such as the Church) and wrote "of 'the doctor's grand and laudable design, wherein [he] heartily wish[ed] him much success of proving the existence of an incorporeal substance.'"  "Boyle argued that because More's spirit was not a physical principle it could not be part of the language of organized experimenters."
+Thus, from this chapter we see that above all Boyle wished to defend his experimental method, its separation from other bodies of knowledge, and lastly his personal claims about the spring of the air.

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump-5.md

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+---
+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
+chunk: 6/9
+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:51.494994+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+== Chapter VI: Replication and Its Troubles: Air-Pumps in the 1660s ==
+Chapter 6 is an evaluation of the technologies stated in chapter 2 and their role in replication - namely replication of the material technology and the utility of virtual witnessing.  The chapter focuses on the propagation of the pump via the experimental community.
+The air-pump was first developed in Oxford and London with the help of the Royal Society (and in response to Hobbes criticism) beginning in 1659.  It was during its development that Robert Moray wrote to Christiaan Huygens (Holland) detailing the changes Boyle would be making to the original design of his pump.  Huygens rejected Boyle's changes and set about making his own alterations.  "Christiaan Huygens was the only natural philosopher in the 1660s who built an air-pump that was outside the direct management of Boyle and Hooke."  At the end of Huygens development, Huygens claimed that "my pneumatic pump was begun to work since yesterday, and all that night a bladder stayed inflated within it [which was a test for the goodness of a pump]...which Mr. Boyle was not able to effect."
+Indeed, he discovered a phenomenon called anomalous suspension (the suspension of water in a Toricellian apparatus when the water was purged of air, but when a bubble was introduced the water fell) "whose outcome measured the excellence of any air-pump...[and] to interpret this calibration phenomenon, Huygens had summoned into existence a new fluid and challenged the sufficiency of the weight and spring of common air.  The effect of this fluid was only visible in good pumps."  However, "for more than eighteen months neither of Huygens' claims were granted the status of matters of fact" and it is in this time period that we see how the troubles of replication were dealt with by contemporaries.  The dispute resulted in a flurry of letters between Boyle and Huygens, each attacking the integrity of the other's machine (and by extension the theories of their makers).  "So in March and April 1663 it became clear that unless the phenomenon could be produced in England with one of the two pumps available, then no one in England would accept the claims Huygens had made, or his competence in working the pump" - full and complete breakdown of the technology of virtual witnessing.  Thus, Huygens travelled to London and became part of the Royal Society and replicated his matter of fact.
+Another problem with replication was that the pumps were constantly being rebuilt, and so results would vary with each reconstruction.
+According to Shapin and Schaffer there were two main problems with replication in the 1660s.  (1) "The accomplishment of replication was dependent on contingent acts of judgment.  One cannot write down a formula saying when replication was or was not achieved" and (2) "if replication is the technology which turn belief into knowledge, then knowledge-production depends not just on the abstract exchange of paper and ideas but on the practical social regulation of men and machines."  Thus, "the effective solution to the problem of knowledge was predicated upon a solution to the problem of social order."
+
+== Chapter VII: Natural Philosophy and the Restoration: Interests in Dispute ==
+"Hobbes and Boyle used the work of the 1640s and 1650s to give rival accounts of the right way to conduct natural philosophy" and, in chapter 7, Shapin and Schaffer show how those models were interpreted and supported by Restoration society.  "The experience of the War and the Republic showed that disputed knowledge produced civil strife...Boyle's technologies could only gain assent within a secure social space for experimental practice...[while] Hobbes assaulted the security of that space because it was yet one more case of divided power."
+In essence, Boyle's theory and Hobbes's theory are inspired by the same problem: what to do when people can't agree on the truth.  Boyle's supporters  "Wilkins and Ward were ejected from the universities...they argued against each other about the virtues of toleration or suppression of Dissent.  Wilkins attacked the Uniformity Act as too coercive: he would have preferred that the Church 'stand without whipping.'"  "These exchanges give considerable point to the proposals that Boyle and his allies produced for the establishment of a social space in which dissent would be safe and tolerable."  In addition, "Sprat's History of the Royal Society (1667) labeled Hobbesian dogmatism as tyranny, and uncontrolled private judgement as enthusiasm.  Such dangers were to be excluded from the community - otherwise debate would not be safe."  "The works of Barlow, Pett, and Dury argued that the balance of disputing sects was better than a state that included a cowed and disaffected party coerced into silence."  "With Hobbes in view...Glanvill insisted that 'dogmatizing is the great disturber both of our selves, and the world with-out us: for while we wed an opinion, we resolvedly ingage against every one that opposeth it...hence grow Schisms, heresies, and anomalies beyond Arithmetick."
+Adversaries of the experimental method took offense in two ways.  The first was to "satirize the low status of experimental labour" and label their discipline as little more than children playing with toys.  And the second, more social ingrained argument, was that the division between Church and the discovery of "matters of fact" "would weaken, rather than strengthen, the fortunes of the Church." "Boyle portrayed the work of experiment as distinct from that of the Church.  Yet its work was also valuable for the churchmen.  If the rules of the experimental game were obeyed, then the game would work well for the godly.  These were the aspects of experimental philosophy that More and his allies found useful at the Restoration."  As we have seen previously, this allied relationship between natural philosophy and the clergy was unacceptable to Hobbes because it undermined the political authority of the King and caused social instability by splitting the allegiances of his subjects between his own temporal authority over their bodies and the spiritual authority harnessed by the clergy.

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+---
+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
+chunk: 7/9
+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:51.494994+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+== Chapter VIII: The Polity of Science: Conclusions ==
+In the final chapter of Leviathan and the Air-Pump, Shapin and Schaffer condense their vastly complicated picture of Restoration society and how it interacted with the development of modern science to three points.  "First, scientific practitioners have created, selected, and maintained a polity within which they operate and make intellectual product; second, the intellectual product made within that polity has become an element in political activity and in the state; third, there is a conditional relationship between the nature of the polity occupied by scientific intellectual and the nature of the wider polity."  In proving those three points they say they had three things to connect: "(1) the polity of the intellectual community; (2) the solution to the practical problem of making and justifying knowledge; and (3) the polity of the wider society" and that they did so by connecting three things: "(1) that the solution to the problem of knowledge is political...(2) that the knowledge thus produced and authenticated become an element in political action in the wider polity...[and] (3) that the contest among alternative forms of life and their characteristic forms of intellectual product depend on the political success of the various candidates in insinuating themselves into the activities of other institutions and other interest groups.  He who has the most, and the most powerful, allies wins."  This is a departure from the "self-evident" scholars who attribute the victory of the empirical method to its inherent "goodness" (discussed in chapter 1).
+They end by relating their examination of Restoration society to their current social climate in the late twentieth century:  "As we come to recognize the conventional and artifactual status of our forms of knowing, we put ourselves in a position to realize that it is ourselves and not reality that is responsible for what we know.  Knowledge, as much as the state, is the product of human actions.  Hobbes was right."
+
+== Reception ==
+The work has been described as a classic example in the history of science of the posing of a basic question on scientific rationality. Can the rationality of two sides in a debate be described, from outside, when hindsight operates and the "road not taken" by science is known? Margaret C. Jacob wrote that, for a time, it was the most influential book in the field of history of science, following the trend to relativism with its equation of "scientific discourses" with "strategies of power".
+John L. Heilbron credits Shapin and Schaffer with picking important aspects of the development of experimental culture that are still relevant, citing specifically the problems with replication.  However, he casts doubt upon the strength of the relationship between politics of the greater society and the politics within the Royal Society.  In addition, Heilbron laments the absence of comparisons to the development of empiricism in the rest of Europe because it blinds the reader to what may have been peculiar to England's case.
+Anna Marie Roos, on the other hand, writes that Shapin and Schaffer do indeed draw a connection between the history of science and the history of political thought, and that their resolution to remain impartial when examining the argument between Hobbes and Boyle forces historians of science and politics alike to recognize the relationship between the two branches of knowledge.
+Lawrence M. Principe, in The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest, argues extensively that many of the conclusions reached by Shapin and Schaffer rest on inaccurate and at times presentist conceptions of Boyle's work.
+Bruno Latour, in We Have Never Been Modern, critiques the book for its insufficient recognition of the fact that just as politics informs notions of the natural world, so too does the natural world influence politics.
+Noel Malcolm and Cornelis Leijenhorst deny the political background of the Hobbes-Boyle controversy. They argue that Hobbes’ rejection of the void has no political agenda and has nothing to do with his attack on incorporeal substances, as Shapin and Schaffer claim. Both Malcolm and Leijenhorst call attention to the remarkable fact that Hobbes was already attacking incorporeal substances when he was a vacuist, and long before he became a plenist.
+Frank Horstmann, in Leviathan und die Erpumper. Erinnerungen an Thomas Hobbes in der Luftpumpe, has criticized Shapin and Schaffer's use of the historical evidence. He argues that Shapin and Schaffer have a lot of important facts wrong. Before May 1648, for example, Hobbes preferred vacuist interpretations of experimental pneumatics and strictly rejected plenist interpretations as not imaginable; but Shapin and Schaffer turn the vacuist into a plenist by ignoring all the vacuist interpretations and by producing a very faulty translation as a putative proof for a plenist interpretation. Horstmann argues that there are many similar errors and wrong quotations in Leviathan and the Air-Pump and suggests that the chapters dealing with Hobbes are constructed on heavy and sometimes systematic misrepresentations of the historical record.
+In the introduction of the 2011 second edition of their book, the authors reflect on the initial reception of the first edition (mild, according to them) before it became considered a classic later on. They also point to the diverse and mixed reviews at the time.
+
+== Publication history ==

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+---
+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
+chunk: 8/9
+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:51.494994+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+=== English editions ===
+(Hardcover) Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (1985). Leviathan and the air-pump : Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life : including a translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus physicus de natura aeris by Simon Schaffer (1st ed.). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-08393-2. OCLC 12078908.
+(Paperback) Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (1989) [1985]. Leviathan and the air-pump : Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life : including a translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus physicus de natura aeris by Simon Schaffer (1st Princeton paperback printing, with corrections ed.). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-02432-4. OCLC 21974013.
+(eBook) Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (2011). Leviathan and the air-pump : Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life : with a new introduction by the authors (2nd ed.). Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-3849-3. OCLC 759907750.
+(Paperback) Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (2017). Leviathan and the air-pump : Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life (First Princeton Classics paperback ed.). Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17816-5. OCLC 984327399.
+
+=== Translations ===
+Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (1993). Leviathan et la pompe à air: Hobbes et Boyle entre science et politique (in French). Translated by Piélat, Thierry; Barjansky, Sylvie. Paris: Ed. La Découverte. ISBN 978-2-7071-2273-5. OCLC 29400446.
+Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (1994). Il Leviatano e la pompa ad aria: Hobbes, Boyle e la cultura dell' esperimento (in Italian). Translated by Brigati, Roberto. Scandicci: La Nuova Italia. ISBN 978-88-221-1503-4. OCLC 849036629.
+Shapin, Steven; Schaffer, Simon (2006). 利維坦與空氣泵浦: 霍布斯, 波以耳與實驗生活 / Liweitan yu kong qi beng pu : Huobusi, Boyier yu shi yan sheng huo (in Chinese). 台北市 / Taibei Shi: 行人出版社 / Xing ren chu ban she. ISBN 978-986-81860-2-6. OCLC 467102599.
+
+== Notes ==
+
+== Further reading ==
+
+=== Notable reviews ===
+Cohen, I. Bernard (June 1987). "Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". The American Historical Review. 92 (3): 658. doi:10.2307/1869945. JSTOR 1869945.
+Foisneau, Luc; Poller, Nidra (2004). "Beyond the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Omnipotence of God". Rivista di Storia della Filosofia (1984-). 59 (1): 33–49. ISSN 0393-2516. JSTOR 44024683.
+Hannaway, Owen (April 1988). "Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life". Technology and Culture. 29 (2): 291. doi:10.2307/3105534. JSTOR 3105534. S2CID 130559524.* Jennings, Richard C. (September 1988). "Review of Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". The British Journal for the Philosophy of Science. 39 (3): 403–410. doi:10.1093/bjps/39.3.403. ISSN 0007-0882. JSTOR 687218.
+Heilbron, J. L. (April 1989). "Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the air-pump. Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life. Including a translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus physicus de natura aeris, by Simon Schaffer, Princeton University Press, 1985, 8vo, pp. xiv, 440, illus., £43.00". Medical History. 33 (2): 256–257. doi:10.1017/S0025727300049292. ISSN 0025-7273. PMC 1035825.
+Hill, Christopher (November 1986). "'A New Kind of Clergy': Ideology and the Experimental Method". Social Studies of Science. 16 (4): 726–735. doi:10.1177/030631286016004009. ISSN 0306-3127. JSTOR 285061. S2CID 143000049.
+James, Peter J. (1990). "Review of Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life". History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences. 12 (1): 134–137. ISSN 0391-9714. JSTOR 23330483.
+Latour, Bruno (March 1990). "Postmodern? No, simply amodern! Steps towards an anthropology of science". Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A. 21 (1): 145–171. Bibcode:1990SHPSA..21..145L. doi:10.1016/0039-3681(90)90018-4. ISSN 0039-3681.
+Martinich, Aloysius (April 1989). "Leviathan and the Air-Pump. Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (review)" (PDF). Journal of the History of Philosophy. 27 (2): 308–309. doi:10.1353/hph.1989.0025. ISSN 1538-4586. S2CID 144310839.
+North, J. D. (April 1987). "Review of Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". American Scientist. 75 (2): 216. ISSN 0003-0996. JSTOR 27854596.
+Pestre, Dominique (1990). "Leviathan and the Air-Pump, Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". Revue d'histoire des sciences. 43 (1): 109–116. doi:10.3406/rhs.1990.4160. ISSN 0151-4105. JSTOR 23633139.
+Pinch, Trevor (November 1986). "Review of Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". Sociology. 20 (4): 653–654. doi:10.1177/0038038586020004035. ISSN 0038-0385. JSTOR 42854370. S2CID 220430744.
+
+=== "A Second Look" ===
+Cohen, H. Floris (1 March 2017). "A Second Look: Leviathan and the Air-Pump : Editor's Introduction". Isis. 108 (1): 107. doi:10.1086/691397. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151926918.
+Achbari, Azadeh (1 March 2017). "The Reviews of Leviathan and the Air-Pump : A Survey". Isis. 108 (1): 108–116. doi:10.1086/691398. hdl:1871.1/e465cd36-92de-40c2-a5d4-fc9a5ea79b97. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 54556746.
+Hankins, Thomas L. (1 March 2017). "Comment: Reviewing a Review". Isis. 108 (1): 117–118. doi:10.1086/691399. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151781285.
+Pestre, Dominique (1 March 2017). "Comment: The Making of a Reference Book". Isis. 108 (1): 119–121. doi:10.1086/691400. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151750477.
+Heilbron, J. L. (1 March 2017). "Comment: A Last Judgment". Isis. 108 (1): 122–123. doi:10.1086/691401. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151387936.
+Wood, Paul (1 March 2017). "Comment: Behemoth v. the Sceptical Chymist, Revisited". Isis. 108 (1): 124–126. doi:10.1086/691413. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 152000796.
+Pinch, Trevor (1 March 2017). "Comment: All Pumped Up about the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge". Isis. 108 (1): 127–129. doi:10.1086/691414. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151319253.
+Jiang, Lijing (1 March 2017). "Comment: Taking Experiments Afresh Again". Isis. 108 (1): 133–135. doi:10.1086/691415. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151389408.
+García-Deister, Vivette (1 March 2017). "Comment: El Leviathan y la bomba de vacío, an Enduring Epistemological Intervention". Isis. 108 (1): 136–139. doi:10.1086/691417. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 152125942.
+Wellerstein, Alex (1 March 2017). "Comment: The Epistemology of Civility and the Civility of Epistemology". Isis. 108 (1): 140–142. doi:10.1086/691418. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151432770.
+Schaffer, Simon; Shapin, Steven (1 March 2017). "Final Comment: Authors' Response". Isis. 108 (1): 143–144. doi:10.1086/691419. ISSN 0021-1753. S2CID 151343812.

data/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump-8.md

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+---
+title: "Leviathan and the Air-Pump"
+chunk: 9/9
+source: "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leviathan_and_the_Air-Pump"
+category: "reference"
+tags: "science, encyclopedia"
+date_saved: "2026-05-05T04:36:51.494994+00:00"
+instance: "kb-cron"
+---
+
+=== Other ===
+Abbri, Ferdinando (January 1987). "Steven Shapin, Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump. Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life, Princeton, Princeton University Press 1985, XIV + 440 pp". Nuncius. 2 (1): 241–244. doi:10.1163/182539177X00935. ISSN 0394-7394.
+Hackmann, W. D. (May 1986). "Fuss over nothing". Nature. 321 (6069): 480. Bibcode:1986Natur.321..480H. doi:10.1038/321480a0. ISSN 1476-4687. S2CID 38738481.
+Hankins, T. L. (23 May 1986). "A Debate over Experiment: Leviathan and the Air-Pump". Science. 232 (4753): 1040–1042. doi:10.1126/science.232.4753.1040. ISSN 0036-8075. PMID 17759318.
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+Jacob, Margaret C. (December 1986). "Review of Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". Isis. 77 (4): 719–720. doi:10.1086/354315. ISSN 0021-1753. JSTOR 233211.
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+Busch, Lawrence (Spring 1987). "Review of Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life". Science & Technology Studies. 5 (1): 39–40. ISSN 0886-3040. JSTOR 690462.
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+Kim, Mi Gyung (February 2014). "Archeology, genealogy, and geography of experimental philosophy". Social Studies of Science. 44 (1): 150–162. doi:10.1177/0306312713507329. ISSN 0306-3127. JSTOR 43284224. S2CID 220724286.
+
+== External links ==
+Publisher's website
+"How To Think About Science, Part 1 - 24". CBC Radio. Retrieved 4 December 2020.
+"Best books … chosen by Steven Johnson". The Week. 19 March 2009. Retrieved 4 December 2020.